Short-term and circular migration

The principal subject of this paper concerns circular migrants entering the Russian Federation. The paper assesses a variety of issues, including appraisals and circular migration scales, sociodemographic profiles of circular migrants, and the presence of such migrants within the Russian labour market (including the types of economic activity concerned and the distribution of the various migrants amongst professional groups). Various ways and modalities of discourses concerning circular migration itself and the prospects of circular migration in Russia are analyzed.

In the latest issue of ELIAMEP Thesis Anna Triandafyllidou states that the European Commission has recently issued a proposal for a Directive regulating the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of seasonal employment (COM (2010) 379 final). This Directive proposal is part of the Commission’s strategy to regulate labour migration through a piecemeal approach; notably through regulating specific categories of migrant workers. This paper discusses what seasonal migration is and how it differs from circular, temporary, or shuttle migration. It argues that seasonal migration is a form of temporary migration that has a seasonal character and hence concerns employment sectors which are characterised by seasons of high and low employment, including thus not only agriculture but also tourism and catering but normally excluding construction or domestic work for instance.The essay in hand reviews critically the Directive Proposal and argues that although it may be seen as a step forward in transparency and in bringing closer Member State provisions in the area of seasonal migration, it needs a boost as regards the protection of seasonal migrants’ labour conditions and employment rights. In view of regulating seasonal labour migration at the EU level, the Directive should also consider whether seasonal labour migrants should be allowed to move also between Member States. On the other hand, the proposal is evaluated positively for a number of features such as: not tying the worker to her/his employer, allowing for the right to join trade unions, and proposing a simplified bureaucratic procedure for multiple entry visas.

Circular migration between Morocco and Spain is currently restricted to a very narrow labour niche, the temporary agricultural work. Despite the geographical proximity between the two countries and the large number of Moroccan immigrants on Spanish soil, circular migration characterises only a minimal part of the migratory phenomenon. Other forms of circularity found in close and similar countries also related with Morocco, as Italy, are not present in Spain due to a variety of geographical and institutional reasons. The short periods Moroccan circular migrants spend in Spain and the low qualification of their jobs result in a small effect on development on origin. The report presents proposals to enlarge the scope of circular migration and open it to more qualified jobs.

In the global population and workforce exchange system Ukraine acts primarily as a donor country. According to the estimates of the M.V. Ptukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies, Ukrainian National Academy of Sciences (hereafter IDSS), in 2008 the total number of Ukrainian labor migrants were 2,120,000 people (IOM, 2011). This estimate of the number of labor migrants relies on the Modular Population Survey of Labour Migration Issues from 20081 (hereafter the 2008 survey), carried out by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine (Ukrainian Center of Social Reform and Ukrainian State Statistics Committee, 2009). However, it also takes into account the stocks of labor migrants not covered by this survey, namely: persons who started to work abroad more than 3.5 years before the survey and who have not returned to Ukraine since then; migrants older than employable age (men 60 years old and senior, women 55 years old and senior); and border commuters (Pozniak, 2012). The main destination countries for labor emigrants from Ukraine are Russia (around 40%), Italy (almost a quarter), Poland, the Czech Republic, Portugal, Spain and Hungary. In total over half of all Ukrainian labor migrants work in the European Union. In this explanatory note circular migrants are understood as those who made one or more labor trips abroad and returns. There are two types of circular migrants. Migrants who made only one roundtrip between the places of origin and destination are described as ?return migrants? (Newland, 2009) and migrants who made more than one trip are defined as ?pure circular migrants?

Circular migration of population in the most simple way be identified as a ?? process of leaving and then returning to one?s place of origin? (Newland, 2009, p.6). As experts note, this process is not new, but ?? it is newly on the policy agenda of governments? (Newland, 2009, p.6), as it causes remarkable challenges for both donor?s and destination?s countries. This concerns Georgia as well. Emigration is a new phenomenon for Georgia. It first manifested itself at the beginning of 1990s by the large-scale emigration flows for permanent residence in other countries triggered by war and economic crisis in Georgia. Emigration patterns later transformed into temporary migration flows of working age population that left Georgia to have higher earnings abroad. Hence, as a typical post-Soviet country Georgia was seriously affected by out-migration after its independence in 1991. The last 2002 population census in Georgia registered a drop of some 20 percent compared to the population registered in the 1989 census (State Department for Statistics of Georgia, 2003).

circular migration solves some problems in reducing unemployment and poverty, supplying additional labour for seasonal work in Moldova. It reduces the social impact on families left home, but it also creates conditions for serious future structural misbalances. The Moldovan Government undertakes efforts to make migrants keep their relations with Moldova. It even encourages them to return for good. But the differences in income levels between host countries and Moldova are too large, so these efforts do not have the desired effect. Expectations are pessimistic. It is assumed that circular migrants will keep in contact with Moldova only while they have family members there. Moreover, integration policies developed in hostcountries are expected to speed-up the process of breaking links with the home-country. Last, but not least: the economic crisis makes circular migration more expensive. Travelling between Moldova and the host-country implies both financial costs and the risk of losing the job.

The specific nature of Moldovan circular migration to the CIS and EU is determined by two criteria: vector (direction) of migration and nature of employment in destination countries. According to the results of public opinion poll, mainly people from the villages participate in circular migration to the CIS; heads of households, men with secondary or vocational education. For them labor migration abroad is a secondary form of employment, and it is seasonal. Circular migrants to the other countries are predominantly women, and a great share of them have higher education. There are significant differences which determine circular nature of migration, especially in the impact of push and pull factors. Labor migration to the CIS countries is determined to a greater extent by the migrants' and their households' need to survive, while migration to the EU countries is conditioned by the greater living (functioning) opportunities for migrants and their families. Visa regime, high travel expenses have a significant impact on the nature of circular migration to the EU. It explains greater length of trips. Work trip to the CIS (mainly to Russia) usually lasts around 7 months, while in the EU it's twice longer, 15 months. Quite often it stimulates non-return migration. In the conditions of modern financial and economic crisis of 2008-2010 circular migration acquired several new features. These include delayed nature of migration, greater comparable choice possibilities in terms of destination countries and countries of origin, uncertainty and mass multiple choices of its implementation.

In its recent documentation on migration issues, the European Commission has been promoting “circularity” as an effective and efficient way to manage labour migration from both within and outside the EU. But how does the employment of circular migrants exactly work and what are its implications for Europe's societal challenges such as ageing and immigration? To answer to these questions, the present study focuses on Eastern European circular migrants and the elderly care sector. In particular, it draws attention to Romanian and Ukrainian care workers within the two Italian provinces of Verona and Reggio Emilia with the aim to assess the actual convenience of “circularity” for the overall improvement of home care provision. On this ground, it pursues three interrelated research objectives: 1) the impact of “circularity” on the employment relationship between care workers and their employers; 2) the way circular migration affects the organisation of home care from the welfare state’s point of view; and finally 3) the conditions which allow “circularity” to take place in an efficient and profitable way. These issues are investigated in a comparative and diachronic way, looking at the differences between Ukrainian and Romanian migratory patterns during the period of 2006-2011. A further layer of comparison is added by the differences between Verona and Reggio Emilia, two towns with relevant dissimilarities concerning political traditions and public administrations. Finally, this project contributes to the scholarly debate on gender, care and migration by introducing “care units” (i.e. the ensemble of subjects involved in the provision of care to an individual care receiver) as an innovative object of analysis. In order to assess the impact of “circularity” on these “care units”, a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods is foreseen for extended fieldwork in the two Italian provinces.

Les migrations sénégalaises vers la France étaient caractérisées par d’incessants allers-retours connus sous le nom de phénomène ‘noria’. Cette circulation a été facilitée par les besoins d’une main-d'oeuvre peu qualifiée et l’absence de contraintes pour l’entrée et le séjour des travailleurs étrangers dans les pays de destination. A cet effet, la migration circulaire fut une pratique ancienne pour de nombreux Sénégalais avant qu’elle ne soit inscrite dans l’agenda international comme une piste de gestion concertée des migrations internationales et comme un moyen de réconcilier le couple migration et développement. Il faut, à la vérité, différencier les migrations circulaires fondées sur des accords bilatéraux qui organisent le recrutement des migrants, et celles ‘spontanées’ qui dépendent du contexte migratoire (migrations familiales, migrations saisonnières, migrations transfrontalières), en particulier la possibilité d’entrer, et de sortir, facilement dans les pays de destinations. Abstract Senegalese migration to France was characterized by incessant roundtrips, a phenomenon known as ‘noria’. Such circulation was facilitated by the needs of a low qualified workforce and the lack of constraints ruling the entry and the residence of foreign workers in destination countries. For this purpose, circular migration was an ancient practice for many Senegalese before it entered into the international agenda as a way of managing international migration and a mean to bring together migration and development. However, circular migration based on bilateral agreements, which organize the recruitment of the migrants, should be differentiated from ‘spontaneous’ ones, which depend on the migratory context (family reunification, seasonal migration, cross-border migration), in particular the possibility to enter, and exit, easily into destination countries

Les migrations sénégalaises vers la France étaient caractérisées par d’incessants allers-retours connus sous le nom de phénomène ‘noria’. Cette circulation a été facilitée par les besoins d’une main-d'oeuvre peu qualifiée et l’absence de contraintes pour l’entrée et le séjour des travailleurs étrangers dans les pays de destination. A cet effet, la migration circulaire fut une pratique ancienne pour de nombreux Sénégalais avant qu’elle ne soit inscrite dans l’agenda international comme une piste de gestion concertée des migrations internationales et comme un moyen de réconcilier le couple migration et développement. Il faut, à la vérité, différencier les migrations circulaires fondées sur des accords bilatéraux qui organisent le recrutement des migrants, et celles ‘spontanées’ qui dépendent du contexte migratoire (migrations familiales, migrations saisonnières, migrations transfrontalières), en particulier la possibilité d’entrer, et de sortir, facilement dans les pays de destinations. Abstract Senegalese migration to France was characterized by incessant roundtrips, a phenomenon known as ‘noria’. Such circulation was facilitated by the needs of a low qualified workforce and the lack of constraints ruling the entry and the residence of foreign workers in destination countries. For this purpose, circular migration was an ancient practice for many Senegalese before it entered into the international agenda as a way of managing international migration and a mean to bring together migration and development. However, circular migration based on bilateral agreements, which organize the recruitment of the migrants, should be differentiated from ‘spontaneous’ ones, which depend on the migratory context (family reunification, seasonal migration, cross-border migration), in particular the possibility to enter, and exit, easily into destination countries

This article looks at the emergence of the concept of circular migration in the European Union (EU) and makes three main arguments. First, it argues that circular migration as a concept is not a new phenomenon but that if the circular migration schemes (CMSs) are implemented in a strictly controlled manner, they can lead to even more unexpected results than those of previous guest-worker programmes. As the old temporary guest-worker programmes proved that temporary migration was not a temporary issue, the presently discussed legislation on CMSs can illustrate that migrants cannot be forcibly circulated, without creating new allegiances and new sub/supra national identities that would eventually alter the very foundations of the national states. Second, looking at the developmental discourse of the legislative debates, the article argues that instead of a triple-win situation, CMSs conceal the further securitisation of the EU’s borders, which, in turn can transform national governments’ authority over the longer term. This is related to the third and final argument. The very emergence of these schemes evinces the change in time and space configurations in the contemporary world, which illustrates the liberal paradox faced by national states. Instead of limiting the discussion on whether or not to launch the CMSs, this article ultimately elaborates on structural changes that facilitate their emergence and finally on their implications that should be considered in a broader sense. Résumé Cette analyse s’attache à définir les contours du concept de migration circulaire au sein de l’Union européenne (UE), et à dresser un argumentaire divisé en trois sections. D’une part, l’étude part du postulat que la migration circulaire définie comme concept n’est pas un phénomène nouveau et que la mise en oeuvre des schémas de la migration circulaire (SMC) sous un contrôle strict serait de nature à conduire à des résultats beaucoup moins prévisibles que ceux ressortant des précédents programmes de travailleurs invités. Ces anciens programmes de travailleurs invités temporaires ont bien attesté que la migration temporaire ne relevait pas d’une question temporaire : les débats législatifs en cours autour de l’adoption d’une réglementation ès SMC révèlent que les migrants ne peuvent être contraints à circuler, sans précisément générer de nouvelles allégeances et de nouvelles identités sous- et supranationales de nature à altérer substantiellement les bases des Etats nationaux. D’autre part, et au regard des principaux arguments ressortant des débats législatifs, cet article argumente que, au lieu de tracer les contours d’un jeu à triple somme positive, les SMC se proposent d’assurer de facto une plus grande sécurisation des frontières de l’UE ce qui, en retour, pourrait amener à alimenter une controverse quant à l’autorité des gouvernements nationaux et ce, sur un long terme. Cette question est étroitement liée au troisième et dernier argument. En effet, l’émergence de ces schémas manifeste un changement profond et substantiel dans la configuration du temps et de l’espace du monde actuel, ce qui atteste, en retour, du paradoxe libéral au sein duquel sont versés les Etats nationaux. La présente analyse se propose d’aller au-delà du débat entourant l’opportunité ou non de dresser des SMC et se penche, en dernier lieu, à la fois sur les changements structurels de nature à faciliter précisément leur émergence, et sur leurs implications largement entendues.

Sirkulær migrasjon handler om personer som reiser til et annet land for kortere eller lengre tid, for deretter å reise videre eller vende tilbake til sitt opprinnelsesland. I denne rapporten ser vi på slik midlertidig arbeidsvandring av ufaglært arbeidskraft fra utviklingsland. Sentralt står spørsmålet om migrasjon fører til utvikling og om det bidrar til å redusere fattigdom. Rapporten tar for seg migrasjonsordninger for ufaglærte både i Norge og i andre land, og peker på hvilke valg og avveininger som må gjøres dersom myndighetene ønsker å etablere nye ordninger. For å illustrere ulike muligheter, presenterer rapporten noen modeller for sirkulær migrasjon.

Seasonal labour migration has been present in Armenia since the 1960s and the times of the Soviet Union. During those years 50,000 people from densely populated rural areas annually left their country, above all going to Russia, in order to work in construction: this phenomenon was known as “khopanchiner” (labour migrants) and its Russian synonym “shabashniki”. As a rule, departure from Armenia starts in early spring, reaching its height in March and April, and the return starts in the autumn in the second half of October. Annually, 60,000-80,000 people leave Armenia for seasonal work due to low salaries, lack of work and poor prospects. The main destination countries are the Russian Federation, Ukraine and Belarus due to the visa free regime, lack of language obstacles and then comes the US and other European countries. Though there is no legal formulation for circular migration in Armenian legislation, circular migration is indirectly referred to in separate legal acts and a number of international agreements/treaties signed by Armenia. They contribute or can contribute to the establishment of circular migration. They can stimulate it, as well as coordinate, to a certain extent, circular migration. Legal aspects of circular migration should be observed from two angles: Circular migration in case of foreigners’ or stateless persons’ entry and residence in Armenia. Circular migration when Armenian citizens leaving the RA.

Circular mobility being interpreted as a fluid movement of people between countries presumes that it can bring benefits to all the parties involved. However, in regard to contemporary Belarus, circular migration and - broadly - circular mobility bring more problems than benefits. In the long-term perspective, Belarus, as a country of origin, seems to lose more than to gain even if there are some short-term benefits (such as remittances and decrease of potential unemployment pressure on the Belarusian economy). In what follows I explain the pluses and minuses of circular migration.

A critical limitation in addressing circular migration trends and characteristics of circular migration from Georgia is the lack of appropriate statistics to quantitatively measure and assess the phenomenon. The current system in this respect is disastrous. In Georgia, even the balance of external migration cannot be established, there are practically no statistical data as regards territorial population mobility. In this regard, the immediate substantial reform of the official migration statistics and its provision with respective resources is indispensable. On the other hand, migration research in general, including research on circular migration, requires significant development. It needs to acquire a systemic nature, as the existing incidental studies are fragmented and completely inadequate compared to the significance of the problem. Given the current situation, this note will first address the importance of developing and supporting circular migration schemes for Georgia. Second, it will offer a number of crucial measures to be inserted in rational and efficient circular migration policies.

Ce projet prolonge et développe les efforts collectifs de l’unité Migrations internationales et minorités (MIM) visant à explorer la diversité, la complexité et la variabilité des migrations internationales, notamment pour dépasser l’idée de flux unilatéraux de migrants permanents se déplaçant de pays pauvres (au Sud) vers des pays riches (au Nord). Différentes analyses seront développées autour de la mesure des migrations sous toutes leurs formes : flux migratoires passés et présents ; flux entrants mais également sortants – avec toutes les difficultés que leur mesure empirique implique ; migrations temporaires ; migrations circulaires. Plusieurs recherches s’intéresseront à la place et au rôle des migrations internationales dans les trajectoires biographiques individuelles. Une attention particulière sera portée à la sélectivité des migrations internationales, à partir de la comparaison entre les caractéristiques sociales des migrants et celles des non-migrants dans leur pays d’origine. Les trajectoires d’émigration, notamment les mobilités étudiantes mais aussi les remigrations – notamment les migrations de retour d’immigrés dans leur pays de naissance – seront étudiées en détail. Enfin, les conséquences de la migration sur les proches non-migrants constitueront un objet d’étude important, par exemple la situation des familles dont les membres peuvent être dispersés dans plusieurs lieux. L’idée est de souligner la dimension dynamique de ces familles transnationales : échanges et va-et- vient entre les pays de départ et d’arrivée ; recompositions ; trajectoires familiales sur plusieurs pays, au-delà de la dimension binaire (départ/arrivée) ; etc. Financements externes liés à cet axe de recherche : - Projet MAFE https://mafeproject.site.ined.fr/ - Projet TEMPER http://www.temperproject.eu/

This study lays emphasis on the existence of various patterns of circular migration in South Mediterranean countries, which are shaped by changing circumstances and structural factors fostering and sometimes disrupting migrants’ mobility. It sets out to determine the preconditions and possible improvements in terms of measures and instruments that need to be considered to optimise circular migration programmes for developmental ends, in cooperation with South Mediterranean countries.

In this paper we regard circular migration as recurrent entry (and subsequent departure) of foreign citizens to the Republic of Belarus, as well as Belarusian citizens to other countries for a short period of time for employment and labor activities, as well as for studies. It should be noted that the term ?circular migration? is not used in Belarusian legislation. Nevertheless Belarus concluded a number of international agreements directed at regulation of labor migration and adopted national legal acts on labor migration and other types of migration that we can consider circular. As far as the main component of circular migration is labor migration, its legislative regulation is ensured by legal acts on labor migration (both international and national) that we have studied in detail in the paper devoted to labor migration.1

The brief review shows that the overwhelming majority of Azerbaijani migrants works and stays regularly in other countries; they have poor communication with state agencies, which causes lots of problems for migrants and receiving countries. The same can be said about migrants staying in Azerbaijan. But the main thing is the lack of understanding over circular migration. This understanding can help reduce circular migration and puts irregular emigration and immigration into a legal framework.

This paper shows that the different migration policies reflect the national concern with alleviating the burden the increasing population imposes on national resources. On the one hand, Egyptian laws favor temporary labor migration as a labor distress mechanism and seek to create new opportunities via bilateral agreements. On the other hand, Egyptian laws reject the integration of non-nationals in Egypt and impose strict conditions regarding work and residency permits and naturalization. The paper assesses Egyptian migration laws dealing with migration, both into or out of Egypt, against the criteria of circular migration and shows that the existing framework currently enforces a quasi-circular migration at best. In the examination of Egypt as a sending country, the paper shows that migration law does in fact provide a legal framework that meets most of the criteria favoring circular migration. Nevertheless, legislation suffers from shortcomings within the context of management, in terms of readmitting returned migrants or creating incentives for their return. The paper also points to discriminatory provisions regarding fundamental rights among the different groups of foreigners in Egypt, where the most disadvantaged are refugees and asylum seekers. The paper highlights the need for policies that improve the economic and social conditions of migrants, and to include refugees in circular migration programs as well as reduce the recourse to illegal migration among refugees and Egyptians alike.