Migrants in education

According to UNHCR, an estimated 68.5 million individuals are today forcibly displaced worldwide. Around half of the world’s refugees are children and young people under the age of 35. While many students are forced to abandone their studies in their home countries, only one percent of refugee youth is able to access and continue higher education. Evidence shows that despite a fundamental right to education, refugees and similar at-risk populations encounter significant challenges barring access to higher education. The situation also prevails in Europe. When confronted with dramatic increases of mass migration in 2015 and 2016, European countries did little to adjust access to higher education for refugees. With very few exceptions, there are still no specific national policy approaches among European countries. Higher education institutions are mostly left to their own practices to handle the issue. Emergency responses generally focus on providing limited numbers of competitive scholarships, linguistic support, and counseling services. However, large-scale, sustainable broad-based internationalization policies and frameworks are utterly lacking. While effective response to refugees’ higher education needs is a responsibility for all higher education institutions, rather than taking the lead to push for inclusive societies, universities have curbed their activities within the restricted legislative frameworks that create status-related obstacles for refugees. Accordingly, this report provides an overview and descriptive analysis of how selected countries (Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Norway, UK and Turkey) have responded to the massive inflow of refugees, as well as the policy practices they have developed concerning refugee students’ integration into higher education. Seeking to encourage sustainable policy responses and national frameworks, this report highlights these selected countries’ procedures to ensure access to higher education and also approaches to recognize foreign qualifications. It also examines particular challenges in the case of each country. The report limits its scope exclusively to refugee students, excluding practices developed for refugee academics/university staff. This report offers a contribution to the existing literature on educational policy for refugees and encourages higher education institutions to remember their central role as a driving force for social development and integration.

It is well documented that in most European countries migrants have lower educational attainment levels than natives. Access to education for migrant children is almost universally guaranteed in the EU, but this does not automatically equate to access to adapted education, taking into account specific needs linked to socio-economic disadvantages and linguistic challenges. Furthermore, social and ethnic school segregation constitutes a serious barrier towards access to good education for migrant children. Sending society actors seem to have only a limited impact on the educational integration of migrant children in destination countries, but initiatives like diaspora schools constitute one strategy to try and improve the educational outcomes of migrant children. The scientific literature has only given limited space to the potential role played by sending society actors for access to good education for migrant children. The Interact-project should aim to cover this field and assess whether the role played by sending society actors has not unjustly been overlooked.

In dem Projekt wird eine systematische und komparative Analyse über asiatische Studierendenmobilität durchgeführt werden. Dabei handelt es sich um eine der weltweit stärksten bildungsbezogenen Migrationsbewegungen. Wir möchten neue Einblicke über den Zusammenhang zwischen bildungsbezogener Mobilität, Lebensplanung und Lebensverlauf gewinnen. Unser Forschungsdesign ist innovativ: Wir schlagen auf der Basis eines repräsentativen Samples von japanischen und chinesischen Studierenden einen dreifachen Vergleich vor: zwischen (1) japanischen und chinesischen Studierenden an britischen und deutschen Universitäten, (2) im Inland verbliebenen chinesischen und japanischen Studierenden und (3) nach Japan migrierten chinesischen Studierenden. Durch solche Vergleiche, und unter Verwendung von verschiedenen multivariaten Methoden und Netzwerkanalysen, erwarten wir einige theoretische Aspekte aufdecken zu können, etwa im Hinblick auf die Selektivität bildungsbezogener Mobilität, die Formierung individueller Präferenzen für regionale oder überregionale Migration, und die unterschiedlichen Auswirkungen solcher Präferenzen auf den wahrgenommenen Wert und die Möglichkeiten tertiärer Bildung für die zukünftige Lebensplanung. Zusätzlich zu der Generierung von wertvollen Umfragedaten über die Migration von chinesischen und japanischen Studierenden, wird die Forschung einer Reihe von nicht-akademischen Interessenvertretern, einschließlich Regierungen, tertiären Bildungseinrichtungen, think-tanks und Organisationen, die in die Bereitstellungen von Informationen und Unterstützung für internationale Studierende involviert sind, zugute kommen. Das vorgeschlagene Projekt beruht auf dem aktuell geförderten Befragungsprojekt 'Bright Futures: Internal and International Mobility of Chinese Students' der europäischen Partner und deren Kooperation mit Forschern an der Universität Kyoto.

Global population projections by age, sex and education published by Lutz, Butz, and K.C. (2014). World Population & Human Capital in the Twenty-first Century. Population projections of educational attainment by age and sex for 195 countries. The new set of projections by levels of educational attainment was produced by a large team of researchers at the Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital and at other institutions. It also includes population projections developed for the 5th assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) according to a set of Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSP) scenarios. There are two main areas where the new projections advance the state of the art beyond other existing global population projections (those that cover most world countries): * They explicitly and systematically incorporate population heterogeneity by level of education, thereby illustrating how educational attainment can and should be routinely added to age and sex as a third demographic dimension. * The assumptions about future trends in fertility, mortality, and migration include the scientific input of more than 500 population experts around the world who responded to an online questionnaire and assessed the validity of alternative arguments as well as the conclusions of intensive discussions at five meta-expert meetings. Version 1.2 includes the back projections from 2010 to 1970. More information in Speringer et al. 2015. The suggested citation for data and plots from this website is: Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital, (2015). Wittgenstein Centre Data Explorer Version 1.2. Available at: http://www.wittgensteincentre.org/dataexplorer

Unlike many other EU Member States, the higher education system in Luxembourg is marked by a particular characteristic, namely the fact that the University of Luxembourg is the only public university in the country. Established by law in 2003, the University of Luxembourg is therefore the main actor in the higher education system and hosts the large majority of international students in Luxembourg. In addition to the University of Luxembourg, two more types of institutions complement the higher education system in Luxembourg and are recognised by the Ministry of Higher Education and Research as higher education institutions (hereafter referred to as ‘HEIs’), namely: 1. Secondary educational institutions offering educational programmes that award an advanced technician’s certificate (‘Brevet de technicien supérieur’ – ‘BTS’); 2. Private foreign universities having infrastructures or campus in Luxembourg. In order to be able to award higher education diplomas as well as to host international students, all HEIs are mandatorily required to be approved by the Ministry of Higher Education and Research, with the exception of the University of Luxembourg because it was established by law. The admission conditions for international students to study at a HEI in Luxembourg are twofold: First, the international student must apply and be accepted at an approved HEI or at the University of Luxembourg. Second, once accepted at a HEI, s/he needs to apply for a temporary authorisation of stay, and subsequently, if applicable, a Visa D (valid for 3 months), from his/her country of origin before being authorised to travel to Luxembourg and before being issued a ‘student’ residence permit (valid for minimum 1 year and renewable) in Luxembourg. To conclude, the HEIs in Luxembourg, under the overall auspice of the Ministry of Higher Education and Research, as well as the immigration authorities are the main stakeholders in the context of international students studying in Luxembourg. Luxembourg transposed the Directive (EU) 2016/801 by the Law of 1 August 2018, which amended the amended ‘Immigration Law’ and entered into force on 21 September 2018. In this context, the study highlights in particular the introduction of a new residence permit for ‘private reasons’ in view of seeking employment or establishing a business in Luxembourg. This residence permit was newly introduced by the transposition of the Directive and allows international graduates to remain in the country for a maximum duration of nine months in order to find a job or establish a business in relation to their academic training. Prior to the transposition, international students were only able to change their immigration status to ‘salaried worker’ immediately after their graduation. Moreover, the transposition modified a number of legal dispositions, such as the increase of the maximum amount of hours that students are authorised to work, from 10 hours to 15 hours per week. Furthermore, Bachelor students enrolled in their first year of academic studies as well as students enrolled in a study programme awarding them a ‘BTS’ are no longer excluded from exercising a salaried activity as allowed by law. Lastly, the transposition also facilitates the intra-European mobility of international students who follow a European or multilateral programme that contains mobility measures or a convention between two or more HEIs. The attraction and retention of international students are not considered as a national political priority per se by the Luxembourgish authorities, but have to be perceived in an overall national political priority of attracting “talents” to Luxembourg, i.e. (highly) qualified persons, regardless of their nationality and in the interest of the country and its economy. The stakeholders consulted in the context of this study identified several factors that may have positive effects on the attraction and retention of international students. These include, among others: - the geographical position of Luxembourg with an important financial sector and several European institutions - the multilingual environment of the country as well as the University of Luxembourg - the HEI ranking of the University of Luxembourg - the comparatively low levels of tuition fees, particularly of the national public HEIs - the fact that the level tuition fees is the same for every student, no matter his/her nationality, with the exception of examples from private HEIs Furthermore, the consulted stakeholders identified several examples of good practices in the context of this study, such as for example: - A close and diligent collaboration between all stakeholders, in particular between the Directorate of Immigration, the Ministry of Higher Education and Research and the University of Luxembourg - Quality management of private HEI (mainly through the approval procedure) in view of the best interest of students - Affordable tuitions fees in the higher education system At the same time, the consulted stakeholders have identified several challenges, such as: - the languages of instruction (with a strong emphasis on French and German especially at the Bachelor/‘BTS’ levels) and the primary working languages (French and Luxembourgish) - socio-economic factors, particularly the high costs of living and the challenge of finding affordable housing - authenticity and veracity of transmitted diplomas in the context of a diploma recognition - a challenging procedure related to the entrance exam for international students who hold a high school diploma issued in a country that is not a signatory country of Paris/Lisbon conventions - potential misuse of the ‘student’ residence permit in view of trying to stay in the country instead of succeeding in the studies. In addition to the major legislative change introduced by the transposition of the Directive and the various factors and challenges mentioned above, the study also highlights a number of initiatives, offered in particular by the University of Luxembourg, aiming to support international students after their graduation and to encourage them to establish and/or maintain a connection to the national labour market. The study concludes with a section on bilateral and multilateral cooperation with third countries, both at the level of the Luxembourgish State as well as at the level of HEIs, particularly of the University of Luxembourg.

'This project informs our understanding of how issues related to race and racialization are constructed through the use of language in higher education settings in Europe, using Norway as a case example. Study 1 compares race and racialization in classroom talk (discourse) in 2-4 university courses, both traditional lectures and dialogue-based courses. Study 2 explores personal stories (narratives) of university students, professors and staff from racial minority groups, creating new spaces for often-silenced voices. In a methodologically innovative move, the two studies are placed in ‘conversation,’ to understand how race and racialization discourse and personal narratives can ‘talk’ to each other to reveal the workings of ideology, agency and resistance. Based on previous research, the researcher anticipates race and racialization discourse to be hidden under more explicit talk about immigration, religion and nation. Higher education serves as a ‘laboratory’ for examining these issues. Although race and racialization discourse has been studied in schools and educational policy, there is a gap in higher education research in this area. Universities are important because the ideas developed and propagated in higher education influence the broader social context: university students are democratic participants who go on to take positions of power and academics shape public discourse. Finally, Norway is a strong case example for at least two reasons. First, Norway is one of the last countries in Europe to transition to a ‘multicultural’ state. Second, Norway’s wealth has largely protected the country from the economic hardship that has affected much of Europe, so it provides an opportunity to understand how race and racialization discourse is constructed in relatively low-stress circumstances. The Norwegian case can be used as a comparison to explore how issues of race and racialization are constructed in Europe and relate to minority residents’ personal narratives.'

The project aimed to explain ethnic differences in educational attainment in the German educational system. We focussed on the transition from primary to secondary education, as at this point in the school career the courses are set for future educational and occupational success. We were interested in the role educational decisions play for the less advantageous transition patterns of immigrants after primary schooling: Does the poor scholastic achievement of immigrant children in primary school directly translate into less favourable educational transitions? Do further disadvantages result from cautious decision behaviour in immigrant families? Or are even benefits to be expected, for example, when immigrant families try to realise their high educational aspirations? We pursued these questions on the basis of a primary data collection project conducted in the city of Cologne. We tested the German and mathematical skills of 1,400 Turkish immigrant and native 3rd graders and administered a three-wave questionnaire to their parents – once before the decision at the end of the 3rd grade, again in the middle of the 4th grade, when the decision was pending, and finally at the end of the 4th grade, when the pupils were already registered at one of the secondary schools. The results reveal that – controlling for prior scholastic achievement and social background – children of Turkish immigrant families are more likely to attend the more demanding tracks. This positive effect of ethnic origin is due to the high educational aspirations in immigrant families of Turkish origin. However, this high motivation can’t compensate for the often poor educational achievement of Turkish immigrant children during primary school. At the same time, the results reveal no evidence for the assumption that their teachers discriminate Turkish immigrant children against native pupils. Given comparable scholastic achievement – measured with objective tests – and a comparable social background, children of Turkish immigrants receive the same teacher recommendations as their native classmates.

Abstract This paper discusses the problem of the recent emigration of highly-skilled Sudanese citizens and sheds light on the mechanism that prompts such emigration. High levels of graduate unemployment coupled with the economic hardship that holds back the economy makes emigration the only alternative for the majority of graduates. As individual investment in education does not pay off in Sudan, and as higher education is still in demand, people get involved in higher education to equip themselves with skills that have viable market potential elsewhere in the world. Despite a consistent proportion of Sudanese emigrants being well educated (i.e. at least secondary education) most leave the country to be employed in low-skilled jobs. “Higher education for emigration” seems to represent the logo of those still demanding higher education and ready to pay for it and this likely represents one of the main challenges to be faced by the Sudanese higher-education system in the near future. Résumé Cette note analyse le problème récent de l'émigration des citoyens soudanais hautement qualifiés et met en lumière les mécanismes à l’origine de ce phénomène. L’émigration est en effet la seule alternative pour la majorité des diplômés devant faire face aux niveaux élevés de chômage et aux difficultés économiques. Comme l'investissement individuel dans l'éducation n'est pas rentable alors que l'enseignement supérieur est lui toujours en demande, les soudanais s’engagent donc dans l'enseignement supérieur en vue d’obtenir des compétences ayant un réel potentiel pour les marchés du travail étrangers. En dépit d'une proportion importante d'émigrants soudanais disposant au moins d’un diplôme secondaire, une majorité quitte le pays pour des emplois peu qualifiés dans les pays de destination. « L'enseignement supérieur en fonction de l'émigration » telle est désormais la devise des soudanais ayant les moyens de s’engager dans l'éducation supérieure. Par conséquent, ce phénomène représente probablement l'un des principaux défis du système d'enseignement supérieur soudanais.