Racism, xenophobia and discrimination

The Special Rapporteur's central observation was that "while Italian society is not marked by a profound phenomenon of racism, it is facing a disturbing trend of xenophobia and the development of manifestations of racism, primarily affecting the Sinti and Roma community, immigrants and asylum-seekers primarily of African origin but also from Eastern Europe, and the Muslim community"--p. 2.

El Informe se basa en los resultados obtenidos a partir de la encuesta realizada en el año 2016, bajo el nombre de Actitudes hacía la Inmigración llevada a cabo por el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). El análisis de la encuesta se ha realizado desde una triple perspectiva: univariable mostrando las tendencias en los indicadores de racismo y xenofobia desde 2007, cuando las variables lo han permitido o desde 2008; bivariable, examinando los principales indicadores de la cohesión social en función de las actitudes y prejuicios; y multivariable, extrayendo las dimensiones más relevantes y elaborando una tipología de perfiles de los españoles ante éstas. Los resultados del análisis de actitudes y percepciones de los españoles hacia la inmigración en 2016 y su comparación con los años anteriores, muestran una evolución favorable en todas las variables que miden las actitudes racistas, intolerantes o xenófobas de los encuestados, alcanzando, en muchos casos, en 2016 los mejores comportamientos de las series analizadas.

Geared toward teacher-trainers, this Handbook is intended primarily for use in programmes that prepare teachers to serve in high schools in Europe. While it could be beneficial for teachers of any subject, the Handbook may be most useful to those who are preparing to deliver courses on European civics and citizenship education. The Handbook’s targeted readers are high school students and undergraduate University students between 17 and 23 years of age. The main purpose of this Handbook is to clarify terms commonly used to talk about diversity. Many terms (such as nationality, national identity or citizenship) have different meanings in different languages, and people regularly talk about them without knowing exactly what they mean. Does nation, for example, refer to the citizens of a given country or only to those who are of the same national origin? Does race refer to the colour of one’s skin or some other physical trait? Or does it refer to a whole set of supposed psychological or mental traits (e.g. ‘Indians are clever,’ ‘Black people are good at sports’, ‘The Japanese are shy’)? Race is often confused with religion, and members of certain religious faiths are frequently characterized as stereotypes (e.g. ‘Muslims are cunning’, ‘Jews are stingy’). Indeed, many of these terms are closely linked to negative stereotypes of minority groups. Some concepts such as integration, multiculturalism and intercultural dialogue are contested, and there is little agreement on what they stand for and how they relate to one another. This Handbook’s first objective, then, is to define these terms and, by doing so, to give adolescents the tools needed to better understand the reality that surrounds them.

While xenophobic sentiments are always present in a society1 Whom is xenophobia directed against? How are migrant-phobias related to xenophobia? What are the hidden underlying factors behind the rise of xenophobia and the aggression towards the “others”? Is there a connection between the prevalence of xenophobia and the functioning of social institutions and social setting? , they have become widespread in the 2000s. In 2002-2012, the share of respondents who do not feel hostility towards representatives of other nationalities decreased by over a quarter. The slogan "Russia for the Russians", which is supported not only by the Russians, but also by the representatives of the traditional minorities within Russia, has been increasingly popular in the 2000s. In November 2012, only 23% of the respondents reacted negatively to it, considering it properly fascist - as opposed to 30% in 1998 (Levada Centre in 2012a, p.176, 179).

"Theoretical background and objectives The emergence of the PEGIDA movement in 2014, the right-winged terror of the NSU, as well as the violent protests against refugees in 2015 demonstrate how easily anti-immigrant attitudes become politically mobilized. However, the recent wave of refugees from Syria and other countries has also sparked high levels of solidarity and civic engagement among many Germans who have welcomed refugees with open arms and gifts. Apparently, the very same social reality triggers feelings of fear or dislike in some and feelings of sympathy and empathy in others. Yet such individual differences in reactions to immigration and ethno-cultural diversity are also region-specific. At first sight it seems that perceived threat and hostility are more wide-spread in the East, whereas acts of solidarity are more common in the West. The question that we like to ask in our project is why this is the case. In other words, why do East Germans appear to feel more threatened by ethnic diversity, otherness and different immigrant and refugee groups? Previous studies have shown that xenophobia is particularly strong among Eastern Germans compared to their Western counterparts; and that is also true for societal attitudes such as generalized trust. Often these findings had been related to the harsher socio-economic realities of the East and the lack of intergroup contact. However, other research indicates that particularly East Germans maintain a relatively high support for overall social solidarity especially when it comes to redistribution of resources and reducing the divide between the poor and rich. How can these two divergent findings be reconciled? What is behind the East/West divide on such societal attitudes and how do they translate into support for various political solutions to the refugee crisis? Is xenophobia in East Germany a discrete phenomenon or rather part of a larger (a)social syndrome? Research design, data and methodology Drawing on well-established theories on social identity, life events, intergroup contact, threat, or deprivation, we will apply a mixed method design (combining different data sources and methodological approaches) in order to disentangle the dynamics that make some Germans and particularly East Germans vulnerable to xenophobia—while simultaneously asking about the characteristics at the individual and contextual levels that make some people resilient against it. We plan to combine existing surveys, new surveys, experiments as well as regional statistics to answer these questions."

"Theoretical background and objectives Survey data are one way to study labour market disadvantages of immigrants. But they have the disadvantage that not all differences with natives can be explained away with the available variables. Hence, there is no way to determine with certainty whether the residual gaps are due to discrimination or to other unobserved variables. Audit and correspondence studies have become popular responses to this problem and have demonstrated for a wide range of ethnic groups and countries that discrimination occurs. So far studies have almost exclusively used a paired application design, in which two applications, one native and one from a selected minority group, are sent, which apart from cosmetic details differ only in the ethnicity of the applicant. Widespread as it may be, this design has the major disadvantage that it is diagnostic rather than analytic. It can demonstrate beyond reasonable doubt that discrimination occurs – at least for a selected ethnic group – but not whether taste or statistical mechanisms are behind discrimination, nor which characteristics of applicants – their race, religion, cultural or linguistic distance, or specific ethnicity – provoke discrimination. In this project that was started in late 2014 we want to move beyond these limitations by using an unpaired multiple-group, multiple-treatment design in which we vary racial phenotype, religion, as well as ethnicity. Native ethnics are compared to second generation applicants from 34 immigrant ethnic groups. For her dissertation, Ruta Yemane will implement a similar design in the USA in cooperation with Harvard University. The German study allows a direct measurement of racial discrimination because in Germany photographs are allowed or required in the application process. In the USA race will be indirectly signaled by names and ethnic language. The multiple-group design allows regression analyses testing for taste or statistical discrimination, for instance by relating callback rates to cultural distance to the countries of origin (using World Values Survey data) or to group educational and labour market status averages (e.g., using the German Mikrozensus). Findings In order to investigate the drivers of discrimination against second generation immigrant job applicants, we sent thousands of applications from fictitious persons to real job openings in eight professions all over Germany. Next to job applicants’ ethnicity (German or migration background in one out of 34 origin countries), phenotype (Asian, Black, White), and religious affiliation (none, Buddhist or Hindu, Christian, or Muslim), we varied several other characteristics of the applications, such as applicants’ gender, final grades, whether or not a reference letter was included, as well as information about applicants’ current contract. Our results confirm that employers discriminate against immigrant job applicants. The magnitude of discrimination, however, varies strongly between origin groups. Whereas employers do not discriminate against Western and Southern European and East Asian immigrants, other origin groups experience significant disadvantages. In addition, we observe substantial disadvantages for Black and Muslim job applicants. With respect to classic theories about the drivers of discrimination on the labor market, that is, taste-based and statistical discrimination, we find that the cultural distance between origin countries and Germany explains discrimination against different groups much better than productivity-related group characteristics, such as average levels of education. Consequently, our empirical findings are more supportive of taste-based discrimination than they are of statistical discrimination theories."

"Theoretical background and objectives In the light of growing migration from countries with a Muslim cultural background as well as increasing Islamic fundamentalism related to terrorist attacks in Western Europe and the US a new research field has emerged that investigates the way states and ordinary citizens react to these new phenomena. However, we know surprisingly little about the attitudes of ordinary citizens towards Islam and Muslim migrants. Islamophobia has only recently started to be addressed by social scientists. We therefore know relatively little about the extent of Islamo­phobic attitudes in Western Europe and North America and what Islamophobia exactly is. These questions are studied in three partly related smaller projects that investigate individual countries, on the one hand, and a large range of different countries on the other hand. In a first part, Islamophobia in Switzerland has been studied. More particularly the aim of this project was to take a closer look at Islamophobia and to investigate whether it really is a new social phenomenon or simply a new name for xenophobia. To undertake such an investigation we provided and tested theoretical considerations why Islamophobia could be different from xenophobia. While xenophobia is defined as a general hostility towards foreigners, it might be argued that Islamophobia stands for hostility towards specific aspects of foreignness. We tested whether people with a specific understanding of citizenship, religious persons and post-materialists behave differently towards Muslims than towards immigrants in general. In a second part, attitudes of young people in Canada towards Muslims and their cultural practices are investigated. We are mainly interested in the three following questions: First, we ask whether peoples' attitudes towards Muslims are the same as attitudes towards other outgroups. In other words, is prejudice blind in the sense that it does not reflect a dislike of a particular minority but of minorities in general? We will analyse whether or not the same people show hostile attitudes towards Muslims and other groups and whether or not attitudes towards different groups can be explained by the same factors. Second, we ask whether it might be that Islamophobia is a socially better accepted way to express xenophobia. Might it be that mainly better educated people express hostile attitudes towards Muslims but not towards foreigners in general? Third, we want to know whether people make a difference between Muslims as a group and their practices. Might it be that people accept them as a group of foreigners (because they are tolerant and not prejudiced), but reject their illiberal practices (how they treat their women for example)? The third part of the project consists of a publication-project that invites leading researchers from various countries in Western Europe and North America to focus on survey data to investigate the following research questions: What is Islamophobia? How can we explain Islamophobia? How is Islamophobia related to similar phenomena such as xenophobia and anti-Semitism. How has Islamophobia evolved over time? What have been the effects of 9/11? Which country differences do we observe, and how can regional or country-specific experiences with Muslim migration shape individual attitudes towards this group of migrants? What are the reactions towards Muslims of young in contrast to older adults? Findings Overall, the results did not confirm my arguments, which suggests that Islamophobia is the same as xenophobia. People with a specific understanding of citizenship, religious people and post-materialists do not have different attitudes towards Muslims and foreigners in general. This might be rather surprising in the light of my descriptive analyses that have shown that between 1996 and 2007 hostile attitudes against foreigners have clearly decreased while Islamophobia has increased. Moreover, it appeared that in both years 1996 and 2007 much more people did not like to have Muslims as neighbours than immigrants."

In the last decades Portugal has become a new receiving country of international migration flows. This report seeks to provide an overview of immigrant integration policies in Portugal. Special focus is given to evolving integration policy tools and to the role of state and non-state actors in the promotion of migrants’ integration. Furthermore, the report also addresses local-level policies stressing new forms of governance and good practices. The implementation of a policy of inclusion and interculturality has brought major changes to immigration phenomena in Portugal, though the present-day economic and social crisis constitutes a major challenge to be dealt with, especially in a European context of rising anti-immigration discourses and xenophobia.

La femme possède un statut bien avancé au sein de la société libanaise : la Constitution libanaise proclame l’égalité entre les citoyens. Quelques lois et pratiques restent, toutefois, discriminatoires à l’égard de la femme, notamment la loi sur la nationalité et la loi sur le statut personnel. Une discrimination sociale très grave existe en ce qui concerne les femmes travaillant à domicile; elles subissent plusieurs formes de racisme et d’exploitation, et leur protection juridique est très faible - une situation qui encourage la traite et a poussé plusieurs Etats à interdire à leurs citoyens de travailler au Liban en tant que domestiques. La réglementation distingue quatre catégories d’étrangers travaillant au Liban ; seulement deux catégories peuvent y faire venir leurs familles. Pour améliorer le statut de la femme, beaucoup d’efforts sont encore à fournir, notamment au niveau de la justice et de la ratification de nombre de conventions internationales. Le statut de la femme au Liban est acceptable pour les femmes immigrées, à l’exception des femmes qui travaillent en tant que domestiques : une situation qui nous permet de dire qu’elles ne constituent pas un groupe social opprimé au sens de la Convention de 1951. Abstract : Women have good status in Lebanese society: the Lebanese constitution insists on equality between citizens. Some laws and practices, however, remain discriminatory, especially the law on nationality and the law on personal status. Women working as domestic workers are grossly discriminated against; they suffer from racism and exploitation and they have little legal protection. This situation fosters trafficking and has led several states to forbid their nationals from working as domestic workers in Lebanon. Regulation distinguishes four categories of foreign workers in Lebanon; only two categories can have their family join them. Much still needs to be done to improve the status of women, in particular in the justice sector and several international conventions have not yet been ratified. The status of women in Lebanon is acceptable for immigrant women with the exception of domestic workers. Women are not an oppressed social group in the sense of the 1951 Convention.

The ambivalent socio-political processes that have accompanied the formulation of the Ukrainianposition on the readmission of various migrant groups from the EU, CIS and other countries havedetermined a high risk of the formation of a marginalized readmission space33 in its territory. Despitethe slow but steady progress made in the discussion on and development of a multilateral legal framework in this field, the institutional and implementation gap between what is currently in place inUkraine and internationally accepted standards for readmission,return and reintegration remainsessential. The high levels of xenophobia among the population of Ukraine in relation to certain ethnic groups,35 heated by the radical nationalist movements gaining popularity, have created geopoliticaland societal conditions for the diversion of public perception in a direction unfavorable to the future ofthe Ukrainian state and society. The current actualization of the strategic goals of the ‘EasternPartnership’ could be an incentiefor Ukraine to harmonize its political and legal systems, as well asto mobilize public resources for the implementation of comprehensive reforms related to migration.36

"Theoretical background and objectives This project considers two common assumptions that arise in the empirical literature on xenophobia—namely that xenophobic attitudes are found mostly among the poorly educated, and that xenophobia mainly concerns immigrants from low social classes and from geographically and culturally disparate nations. These arguments are discussed in the context of the migration of high-skilled Germans to Switzerland, a phenomenon that has increased markedly in the last few years, leading to major controversies. One might expect that the Swiss do not perceive Germans as a cultural threat as they are, at least at first sight, culturally similar. This argument can however be questioned in two ways. We first have to differentiate between objective similarity and subjectively perceived dissimilarity. As it turns out, the cultural difference between Germans and Swiss-Germans is considered to be very large in Switzerland. Second, some argue that boundaries between groups that are culturally very close are not necessarily less fragile. In a second step we question the common generalisation that working class people are more often xenophobic because they fear that immigrants take their jobs. As we are confronted in the case at hand with highly educated immigrants, it might be that in this case well-educated people in high positions feel threatened by the new arrivals. This would disconfirm the argument according to which better-educated people are more tolerant as they are more open-minded and have more cognitive capacities for differentiated perceptions. Research design, data and methodology To investigate our arguments both quantitative and qualitative data are analysed. In a first step, data from a survey conducted in the city of Zurich between October 1994 and March will be analysed. This is so far the only survey that includes relevant questions about German immigrants. More recent data on this topic will be collected in the context of the 2011 Swiss electoral survey (see project 2.5 above). Moreover, data from five focus group interviews with Swiss and Germans will be analysed. On the one hand, this allows us to better understand which arguments Swiss use to justify attitudes towards Germans and which aspects they dislike/criticise for which reasons. On the other hand, we will be in the position to study how Germans think about Swiss, why Germans migrated to Switzerland and how they feel abroad. Findings It turned out that German immigrants put in danger Swiss characteristics as much as immigrants from the Balkans. Socio-economic factors turned out to be relevant, too. Contrary to many other studies I found that education does not improve attitudes towards Germans. At the same time, I found that people who are young and seek to improve their job position are significantly more Germanophobic than those who are satisfied with their current job situation and are already established. It appears that as much as low-skilled workers fear that poorly educated immigrants take their jobs, well-educated Swiss consider German immigrants as competitors on the job market."

En France, comme dans la plupart des pays européens, les opinions publiques expriment une défiance croissante à l’égard des gouvernements : leur efficacité en matière de gestion des flux et d’intégration des migrants fait l’objet de questionnements quasi permanents dans les débats publics. L’objectif de ce projet est d’étudier les politiques d’immigration, d'intégration et de lutte contre les discriminations, d’analyser le contexte social de leur production, et d’évaluer leurs effets à la fois en termes d’efficacité (réalisation des objectifs affichés) et de conditions de vie pour les personnes concernées. L’ensemble de cet axe de recherche vise à interroger les relations entre mesures politiques et mesures statistiques. Ce projet-phare est adossé à plusieurs projets financés par l’Union Européenne et l’Agence nationale de la recherche : - le projet européen UPSTREAM analyse la stratégie des pouvoirs publics en matière de politique d’intégration, en étudiant particulièrement sa traduction dans les politiques sociales généralistes aux niveaux national et local. http://www.project- upstream.eu/ - le projet ANR Global-Race couvre les politiques de lutte contre les discriminations dans une approche comparative couvrant, en plus de la France, des pays d’Europe et d’Amérique du Nord. http://global-race.site.ined.fr/ - le projet européen TEMPER (Temporary vs. permanent migration) s’intéresse aux politiques de gestion des migrations, à travers (a) l’analyse des textes réglementaires régissant les migrations temporaires (en particulier étudiantes) dans trois pays européens (Espagne, France, et Grande-Bretagne) et (b) la production d’une base codée et textuelle de données sur les politiques migratoires en Espagne, en France, en Italie et en Grande-Bretagne (IMPOL). http://www.temperproject.eu/ - Le projet MAFE : http://mafeproject.site.ined.fr/ Le projet PolMig comprend quatre axes de recherche : - Le contexte social de la formation des politiques. - L’évaluation des politiques d’intégration et de lutte contre les discriminations - Les effets des politiques sur les trajectoires migratoires - Statut légal et trajectoires socio- économiques des migrants

The aim of the project is to explore antiracist ideas, practices and strategies, focusing on women and migrants doing antiracism and everyday practices of conviviality. Methodologically the project is inspired by institutional ethnography, extended case method and ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ (WPR). In-depth, focus group interviews and participant observation will be carried in two major and two rural municipalities, where 5 different organizations/networks will be studied (human rights, migrant; antiracist, feminists and religious). participant observations. The project will provide knowledge on the elusive concept and practice of antiracism as well as new forms of conviviality in multicultural societies, with particular focus on the role of women and migrants/ethnic minorities.

Le projet MOBOUA a rassemblé 16 chercheurs dans quatre pays d'Afrique de l'Ouest, dont 9 relevant des universités partenaires Abdou Moumouni de Niamey, du Mali et de Ouagadougou. Rappelant que la sous-région "retient mieux ses migrants qu'elle ne les exporte", il s'est démarqué de commandes de recherche portant sur les remises financières des "migrants" au Nord ; et sur la montée en force de tendances xénophobes dans les espaces politiques africains. L'approche retenue est celle de la mobilité dans ses différentes échéances et amplitudes (internationales, nationales, locales) et leur articulation spatio-temporelle dans une perspective analytique. L'argumentaire s'illustre en particulier sur trois types de mesures scientifique : 1. Les circulations internationales intra-africaines 2. Les prolongements intra-urbains, résidentiels et plus quotidiens, des mouvements vers les villes 3. Les liens sociétaux que les migrants entretiennent avec d'autres composantes, migrantes et non migrantes, du peuplement africain. Pour ce faire, le projet s'est donné pour objectif d'argumenter de l'intérieur la dynamique et la diversité d'un "Sud, aujourd'hui" ; d'analyser circulations et relocalisations en associant deux méthodes dans un dispositif de recherche pluridisciplinaire : le suivi biographique et pluri-générationnel des migrants selon leurs parcours respectifs ; l'observation de sites significatifs de l'accès des ruraux et des citadins aux ressources économiques et sociales locales. L'investissement méthodologique est donc un point fort de MOBOUA. Sont conjugués une approche "macro" de la migration internationale (mise à jour critique de diverses sources internationales) et de nombreuses collectes de première main : approche anthropologique, suivi territorial de migrants devenus citadins, protocole statistique d'enquêtes quantitatives. Quatre bases de "micro" données individuelles sont notamment en cours de traitement. Les résultats scientifiques obtenus répondent aux attentes initiales du projet sur les axes d'échanges retenus dans ses trois ateliers : - A chaque génération ses migrants : la recomposition des mobilités internes et internationales se cale sur les cycles de vie des candidats au départ, mais aussi sur les conjonctures historiques et la transition démographique marquant la sous-région à rythmes différenciés dans les pays. - Le passage théorique et méthodologique de "migrants à citadins" comble un déficit de connaissances localisées. L'articulation en ville de différentes mobilités participe pleinement de leurs recompositions familiales et politiques. - Au-delà des catégories d'installation et de mouvement, expériences collectives et projets migratoires plus individués se confrontent en réactivant de vieilles méridiennes de circulation entre Sahel et Côte Atlantique. L'impact des crises ivoiriennes compte dans les perspectives envisagées par MOBOUA tant pour l'avenir des migrations internationales ouest-africaines, que pour la contribution des apports démographiques externes aux dynamiques de métropolisation.

With the Amsterdam Treaty and the increasing competence of the European Union in the field of migration, integration, anti-discrimination and asylum, the need for comparative data in this area has been increasingly recognised. The project compiles meta-information on statistical datasets on migration, integration and discrimination in 29 European countries (EU27 plus Norway and Switzerland). It builds on the earlier COMPSTAT project carried out under the 5th Framework Programme between 2001-2002, the FP6 project "Towards harmonised European Statistics on International Migration" (THESIM), completed in 2005 as well as ongoing research within the IMISCOE network. Objectives • To improve the quality of publicly available information on migration, integration and discrimination responding thus to the needs of researchers, policy makers and practitioners for more reliable, more systematic and more harmonized statistical data • To enhance comparability of statistical data and understanding of indicators Outcomes • Launch of a comprehensive online database containing descriptions of datasets relevant to the study of migration. • Analyses of the national data collection system in 29 European countries. • Detailed analysis of the availability, comparability, and the usability of statistical data in 12 thematic areas: 1) general demographic data; 2) migration flows; 3) legal status of immigrants; 4) citizenship; 5) political participation; 6) employment; 7) income 8) housing; 9) irregular migration; 10) education; 11) family and 12) health as well as in two cross-cutting thematic fields - integration and discrimination

"This project circles around three core questions: Does assimilation work? Does discrimination vary with exposure to competition? Do public attitudes directly translate into immigrant disadvantage? (1) Assimilation Proofs: Initially, we analyze whether the origin of immigrants and/or their level of assimilation to the host country (birth and naturalization) can explain labor market trajectories. Among the manifold domains in which individuals with a migration background may face disadvantages, we focus on labor market re-integration because it has been proven to be a key factor in fostering long-term social integration into the host country. Although empirical evidence for discriminatory practices by employers is generally difficult to provide with registry data, our design minimizes potential alternative explanations. Our study benefits from a unique dataset combining registry and survey data, which were collected in the Swiss Canton of Vaud among all newly unemployed individuals between February and April 2012. The findings are based on real labor market behavior and show that when controlling for encompassing information on human and social capital and other employability criteria, individuals whose provenience is from outside the European Union face periods of unemployment that are up to 50% (or 3 months) longer than those of Swiss natives. Surprisingly, observable assimilation proofs in the form of naturalization or birth in the host country do not improve labor market re-integration. We explain this finding by employers’ discriminatory hiring behavior. (2) Assimilation Signals: In a related study, we test whether HR managers’ discrimination against candidates with a nonnative background can be counteracted by these candidates signaling assimilation into the host society. In our study, HR managers evaluate descriptions of fictitious CVs in which we vary the nationality of the candidates and different signals of cultural attachment to their migration background or to the host country. The findings reveal that candidates with Polish- and Turkish-sounding names are evaluated worse than candidates with Swiss- or Spanish-sounding names. More interestingly, however, participating in civic engagement within a traditional Swiss volunteering organization increases the opportunities given to individuals with Polish and Turkish backgrounds, while participating in an organization connected to their origin dramatically damages their evaluation by prospective employers. We also show that candidates with Polish or Turkish backgrounds who adjust their CVs to appear native by indicating fluency in only the local language (either German or French) fare much better than those who reveal a language attachment to their country of origin. We conclude that there are limited opportunities to ameliorate the evaluation of a CV by signaling assimilation into the host country; conversely, non-adapted CVs and CVs that convey multiple signals of attachment to one’s culture of origin are heavily sanctioned in the assessment by HR managers. (3) Competition: Subsequently, we want to examine whether the prevalence of ethnic discrimination varies with a discriminator’s exposure to competition. First, we use a representative online survey experiment in Germany in order to ask participants to take over the role as a football manager and to rate players in three different tasks. First results show that participants on average prefer White (rather than Black) and Western (rather than non-Western) players, especially when they need to choose between two candidates. We conclude that discrimination likely occurs when there is pressure to select. (4) Housing: In a related study, we examine ethnic discrimination in the housing market. The progressive increase of housing prices and the depletion of affordable dwellings in Swiss urban centers have brought attention to the population's housing conditions and residential mobility. Recent studies have shown that some precarious groups have a more difficult access to adequate housing, especially lower-income households and foreign-born populations. In Switzerland, where the majority of individuals live in rental units, landlords and rental agencies act as gatekeepers and play an important role in the spatial distribution of precarious populations across neighborhoods and to what type of dwelling they have access to. As a result of the landlords’ decisions, ethnic minorities might have limited choices as for where they live. They might be stuck in more deprived housings or neighborhoods, access relatively overpriced dwellings, experience higher rates of crowding, etc. Consequently, our study proposes to investigate mechanisms of discrimination that might take place in the Swiss housing market amongst landlords, professional agencies, and private persons (renters), each of whom potentially having different incentives to discriminate. (5&6) Attitudes: Do public attitudes directly translate into immigrant disadvantage? We aspire to answer this question with two original studies on the effect of public referenda in Switzerland. Such regularly occurring votes are also directly referring to the country’s position vis-à-vis the international community and immigration and usually are heatedly debated prior to the referendum. We exploit such immigration-related referenda by linking salient public discourses to economic and political outcomes of foreigners living in Switzerland. Concretely, we investigate whether such debates, everything else equal, affect the propensity to find a new job during the months of the most heated public exchanges. We hypothesize that a group being pushed into the spotlight by a referendum experiences detrimental effects on its aggregated re-integration chances. Similarly, we expect local politicians with a foreign-sounding name to have a harder stand if the local election falls in the period prior to such a public controversy. (7) Perception: Eventually, we seek to shed light on the mechanisms of perceived discrimination: Who, among recent immigrants, is more likely to feel discriminated against and report it when asked in a survey? Social scientists typically define discrimination as an observable and unjust difference in the treatment of distinct groups. In order to personally feel discriminated against, people must be aware of the differential treatment and perceive it as unjust. We show that reporting discrimination when asked in a survey depends substantially upon individual traits, including aspects that shape whether discrimination is accepted and whether immigrants feel attached to the host society. Although respondents report less discrimination if their job situation has improved after migration, people more likely report discrimination when they originate from countries in which the national legislature represents ethnic minority groups relatively well. Earlier difficulties related to the migration process and the lack of supporting networks continue to affect the perception of unfair treatment. Moreover, we show that individuals distinguish to a surprising degree between discrimination in and outside the work environment. For instance, when they are proficient in the local language, respondents often report discrimination in the workplace but not in a public environment. This distinction between discrimination in the workplace and discrimination in public also depends strongly upon the immigrant’s origin. We conclude that contemporary individual-level measures and policy recommendations merely approximate discriminatory patterns; we urge future research to consider factors that affect individual perception of discrimination."

The work here is of both a theoretical and an applied character. The authors pay particular attention to understanding what the integration of migrants means and how it corresponds to the terms assimilation and adaptation. They also offer a classification of complete and partial integration. For Russia, the paper retraces how the disregard of migrant integration in the 1990s and the first half of the 2000s was gradually replaced – after a delay – by an understanding that these were closely interrelated spheres of State activities. This was particularly true for a country like Russia, which annually receives millions of migrants, both for permanent and temporary stays. The experience of Russia clearly demonstrates that the dissociation of the State from this important sphere of internal policy leads to ethnic tension, erosion of tolerance in society, alienation of migrants from Russian society, self-isolation, and open conflicts between migrants and local residents. Therefore, now that the integration of migrants has been understood to be an important issue in Russia, the elaboration and realization of the policy of integration of migrants is complicated by an extremely unfavorable atmosphere of xenophobia and a politically-loaded perception of migration. The Russian policy of migrant integration is evaluated in respect of the most privileged category of immigrants: Russian “compatriots”. The adaptation policy of temporary labour migrants is analyzed in the context of the Russian State’s 2012 initiatives. The authors also argue out the integration and the anti-integration potential of ethnic diasporas when – as in present-day Russia – the infrastructure for the admission and integration of migrants has not been properly developed.

"In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich eine Vielzahl von Forschungsprojekten der Erklärung von Arbeitsmarktnachteilen von Zuwanderern und ihren Kindern gewidmet. Diese gliedern sich in zwei methodologische Forschungsansätze: Zum einen gibt es eine Reihe von Studien auf der Basis von Bevölkerungsbefragungen und Analysen von amtlichen Statistiken, die nachgewiesen haben, dass ein Teil der Arbeitsmarktnachteile von Migranten, unter anderem, auf Bildungsdefizite zurückzuführen sind. Allerdings bleiben, auch wenn man Bildung berücksichtigt, noch erhebliche Nachteile für Personen mit Migrationshintergrund bestehen. Zum anderen gibt es eine Reihe von experimentellen Studien, die untersuchen, inwieweit diese Nachteile durch Diskriminierung seitens Arbeitgeber erklärt werden können. Hierfür werden fiktive Bewerbungen an Arbeitgeber verschickt, wobei die ethnische Gruppenzugehörigkeit des Bewerbers variiert wird, andere Merkmale wie Bildungsstand und Berufserfahrung aber konstant gehalten werden. Studien dieser Art zeigen fast ausnahmslos, dass Diskriminierung stattfindet. Ein zentraler Nachteil dieser Studien ist jedoch, dass sie nur begrenzt generalisierbar sind und nicht ohne weiteres Rückschlüsse darüber erlauben, wie groß, im Vergleich zu anderen Wirkungsfaktoren, der Anteil von Diskriminierung für die Erklärung von Arbeitsmarktunterschieden ist. Auch wenn es zu beiden Forschungsansätzen mittlerweile bereits reichhaltige Forschungsbefunde gibt, fehlt nach wie vor eine gemeinsame, synthetisierende Analyse. Ziel des Teilprojekts ARBEIT ist es daher, die Ursachen von Arbeitsmarktnachteilen von Personen mit Migrationshintergrund und den relativen Einfluss von Diskriminierung und anderen Wirkungsfaktoren (z.B. Bildungsunterschiede, Sprachkenntnisse, Sozialkapital) zu erforschen. Hierfür soll in einem ersten Schritt der aktuelle Forschungsstand aufbereitet werden, für den sowohl Ergebnisse aus Bevölkerungsbefragungen und Analysen von amtlichen Statistiken, als auch experimentelle Studien berücksichtigt werden. Diese Befunde werden zusammengetragen und systematisch aufeinander bezogen um vorhandene Forschungslücken zu identifizieren. Insofern solche Lücken mit weiterführenden Analysen bereits existierender Datensätzen geschlossen werden können, sollen diese in einem zweiten Schritt durchgeführt und Desiderata für anschließende Forschung formuliert werden. Das Projekt ARBEIT ist ein Kooperationsprojekt der DeZIM-Gemeinschaft."

Research on trade unions has identified the crises and challenges trade unions face, not only in relation to employers and the state, but also regarding how to keep the trade union and workers together. One particular challenge is how to build solidarity in a context in which the number of migrant workers is increasing and working class support for anti-immigrant extreme right parties is growing. The research question framing this proposal is how an important organisation for Swedish industrial relations negotiate what seems to be a fundamental contradiction among its members. The aim is to analyse the strategies and actions taken by trade unions in relation to migrant workers, ethnic diversity and members and activists displaying support for extreme right parties. The theoretical framework is drawn from labour studies and industrial relations research along with migration and ethnic studies, supplemented with gender studies.. Methodologically, the project is an ethnographic study of five blue collar trade unions and Landsorganisationen, employing semi-structured interviews and participant observation, complemented with document analysis.

The project focuses on the role of immigrant associations in combating discrimination. The project sets out from previous research indicating a need for a broader understanding of immigrant associations for the development of alternative strategies in education and the labor market, in order to advance the understanding of the conditions for partnerships between civil society, public and private sectors. The project examines partnership between public, private and voluntary actors through a qualitative study of Anti-Discrimination Agencies, (ADA) in Stockholm, run by immigrant associations. The efforts of the ADA to assist individuals who feel discriminated on the basis of gender, ethnic background etc., indicates the growing importance of ADA as actors in the field of social strategies for social inclusion. One of the preliminary findings indicates that activism among ADA as civil society organisations is based on delicate balancing between volunteer activism and adjustment to increasingly emphasized market exigency.

"Ziel des Projekts war die Erklärung ethnischer und sozialer Unterschiede bei der Wohnortwahl in Deutschland. Während in früheren Studien zahlreiche Erklärungsansätze für die Entstehung und Reproduktion ethnischer Konzentrationen entlang ethnischer und sozialer Dimensionen in Städten vorgeschlagen wurden, wurden die zugrunde liegenden Handlungen bislang kaum untersucht: die Wohnortwahlen individueller Haushalte. Es wurde angenommen, dass Wohnortwahlen das Ergebnis mehrerer Prozesse sind, die von der Ausstattung der Haushalte mit ökonomischen, sozialen und kulturellen Ressourcen abhängen. Der Hauptstudie ging eine qualitative Untersuchung anhand von 23 qualitativen Leitfadeninterviews mit deutsch- und nichtdeutschstämmigen Haushalten voran, die zu ihren Wohnpräferenzen, ihren konkreten Wohnortwahlen und langfristigen Wohnbiographien befragt wurden. Die Interviews gaben starke Hinweise auf die potentielle Rolle eingeschränkter Informationen, Pfadabhängigkeiten durch frühere Wohnbiographien und die Rolle der Wohnungsmarktstruktur, aber kaum Anhaltspunkte für das absichtliche Wohnen in ethnisch segregierten Gebieten bei Migranten. Weiterhin wurde ein Feldexperiment zur ethnischen Diskriminierung auf dem Wohnungsmarkt durchgeführt. In einem telefongestützten Audit-Design kontaktierten zufällig zugewiesene Anrufer Vermieter, die Wohnungen inseriert hatten. Bei einer Gesamtzahl von 1.613 Anrufen bzw. 852 unterschiedlichen Vermietern konnten keine signifikanten Belege für Diskriminierung gegenüber einem türkischen Namen, aber deutliche Belege für Diskriminierung gegenüber einem türkischen Akzent gefunden werden. Das Signal einer Berufstätigkeit verringerte die unterschiedliche Anzahl der Einladungen deutlich. Die Ergebnisse weisen stärker auf statistische Diskriminierung als auf präferenzbasierte Diskriminierung hin. Die Hauptstudie untersuchte Wohnbiographien und Wohnortwahlen autochthon deutscher und türkischstämmiger Haushalte in Mannheim. Es wurden 1.600 deutsche und türkischstämmige Haushalte in persönlichen Interviews befragt mit einem verstärkten Gewicht auf Haushalten, deren Umzug kürzlich vorangegangen war sowie Haushalten mit türkischem Migrationshintergrund. Die Ergebnisse bestätigen, dass der Umzug in ein ethnisch geprägtes Gebiet vor allem das Resultat sozialer Unterschiede ist. Darüber hinaus bestehen jedoch spezifisch ethnische Aspekte, die zu unterschiedlichen Wohnortwahlen führen. Begrenztes Wissen über und eingeschränkte Berücksichtigung von vorhandenen Alternativen erhöhen die Wahrscheinlichkeit, in ein Gebiet mit hoher Migrantenpopulation zu ziehen. Die abweichenden Wohnortwahlen können nicht durch ökonomische Unterschiede alleine oder absichtlich segregierende Wohnortwahlen von Individuen erklärt werden."

Cities Grow provides practical and relevant advice to cities and municipal leaders in Europe on how to address migrant integration challenges and develop effective integration and anti-discrimination strategies.

Plusieurs facteurs tant historique, politique, géographique qu’économique font que le Sénégal constitue, depuis l’accession à l’indépendance, à la fois un pays d’émigration, d’immigration et de transit. Mais alors qu’il est communément admis que, lorsqu’elle est bien encadrée, la migration des personnes hautement qualifiées peut être mutuellement bénéfique aux pays de départ et aux pays d’accueil, elle n’a pas fait l’objet d’une réglementation spécifique. La raison réside, probablement, dans l’absence d’une politique migratoire nationale attestée, entre autres, par la profusion d’institutions intervenant en la matière. Certains facteurs comme l’appartenance à la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) qui érige un principe de liberté de circulation et d’établissement des citoyens de cette région et la consécration, en droit social sénégalais, d’un principe de non discrimination entre travailleurs étrangers et travailleurs autochtones peuvent être perçues, a priori, comme favorisant l’immigration. En revanche, la signature avec des pays tiers de conventions bilatérales en matière d’emploi et de main d’œuvre combinée à la suppression, depuis 1981, de l’autorisation préalable de sortie du territoire national constituent autant d’éléments susceptibles d’impacter positivement sur l’émigration. Il convient toutefois de ne pas surestimer la portée de ces différents facteurs puisque non seulement le principe de non discrimination souffre quelques exceptions mais en plus les conventions bilatérales en matière de main d’œuvre ne s’adossent pas toujours sur des conventions de sécurité sociale. Several reasons – historical, political, geographical and economic – explain why Senegal has been a country of emigration, of immigration and of transit since its independence. While highly-skilled migration, when it is well managed, can be beneficial for the country of origin as well as the host country, it has not been regulated in Senegal. This may be because of the lack of a real national migratory policy or, indeed, because of the profusion of competent institutions. Some features may be seen as encouraging immigration: being part of the ECOWAS (Economic Community Of West African States) which advocates for citizens’ freedom of movement and residence in this region; and non-discrimination between national and foreign workers. On the other hand, some elements may encourage emigration: bilateral labour agreements with third countries; and the suppression in 1981 of the exit visa for citizens. It is important, however, not to overestimate these factors, since the principle of non discrimination is not always respected, and the bilateral agreements are not always linked to social security conventions.

Plusieurs facteurs tant historique, politique, géographique qu’économique font que le Sénégal constitue, depuis l’accession à l’indépendance, à la fois un pays d’émigration, d’immigration et de transit. Mais alors qu’il est communément admis que, lorsqu’elle est bien encadrée, la migration des personnes hautement qualifiées peut être mutuellement bénéfique aux pays de départ et aux pays d’accueil, elle n’a pas fait l’objet d’une réglementation spécifique. La raison réside, probablement, dans l’absence d’une politique migratoire nationale attestée, entre autres, par la profusion d’institutions intervenant en la matière. Certains facteurs comme l’appartenance à la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) qui érige un principe de liberté de circulation et d’établissement des citoyens de cette région et la consécration, en droit social sénégalais, d’un principe de non discrimination entre travailleurs étrangers et travailleurs autochtones peuvent être perçues, a priori, comme favorisant l’immigration. En revanche, la signature avec des pays tiers de conventions bilatérales en matière d’emploi et de main d’œuvre combinée à la suppression, depuis 1981, de l’autorisation préalable de sortie du territoire national constituent autant d’éléments susceptibles d’impacter positivement sur l’émigration. Il convient toutefois de ne pas surestimer la portée de ces différents facteurs puisque non seulement le principe de non discrimination souffre quelques exceptions mais en plus les conventions bilatérales en matière de main d’œuvre ne s’adossent pas toujours sur des conventions de sécurité sociale. Several reasons – historical, political, geographical and economic – explain why Senegal has been a country of emigration, of immigration and of transit since its independence. While highly-skilled migration, when it is well managed, can be beneficial for the country of origin as well as the host country, it has not been regulated in Senegal. This may be because of the lack of a real national migratory policy or, indeed, because of the profusion of competent institutions. Some features may be seen as encouraging immigration: being part of the ECOWAS (Economic Community Of West African States) which advocates for citizens’ freedom of movement and residence in this region; and non-discrimination between national and foreign workers. On the other hand, some elements may encourage emigration: bilateral labour agreements with third countries; and the suppression in 1981 of the exit visa for citizens. It is important, however, not to overestimate these factors, since the principle of non discrimination is not always respected, and the bilateral agreements are not always linked to social security conventions.

A number of researchers in recent years have focused on the changes in employment patterns within the media industry that have resulted in the decline of what was seen as relatively secure full-time employment substituted by an increase in informal, temporary and freelance work, raising concerns about the increased precariousness of media work, with strengthened polarisation between core and peripheral jobs. Yet there has been very little research into the impact of these changes on the recruitment of migrant workers and on the cultural diversity of the workforce. -The main objectives of the study were (a) to examine the issue of workforce diversity in the European media, with specific reference to migrants; (b) to highlight the many aspects of the recruitment process which can pose barriers to those outside the mainstream of society; (c) to explore whether policies in relation to anti-discrimination measures in recruitment were evident within the media sector and the extent to which they have improved employment opportunities for migrants; (d) to establish whether media companies adopted outreach schemes with the aim of recruiting migrant workers and whether they had monitored their implementation; and, (e) to ascertain the issues of discrimination in the industry. -There is no agreement in Europe on what constitutes the ‘economy of culture’, with the media being part of it. Economy of culture is defined for the purpose of this study in terms of David Throsby’s understanding of ‘cultural activities’, which are those characterised by creativity in their production and their output potentially embodies at least some form of intellectual property. When the creative sector enters into the production process of other economic sectors and provides the inputs for the production of non-cultural goods, the resulting activities are referred to as the ‘creative sector’.

This paper aims at exploring how countries of origin can affect migrants’ socio-cultural integration in multicultural European societies. Socio-cultural integration is considered through the lenses of different kinds of social interactions between migrants and host society namely: intermarriages, interethnic friendship, interethnic relations in workplaces, and encounters in the neighbourhood. The literature review highlighted that these social interactions prove to depend on a multiplicity of factors related mainly to the destination country (such as residential segregation, degree of racism and acceptance, opportunities for encounters and neighbourhood effects) and of individual factors related to the migrant (such as demographic characteristics, migration trajectory and length of residence and work position). The impact of countries of origin and transnational links is more difficult to assess considering that little research has directly dealt with the issue. However, the paper shows that some non-state actors such as family members and some state-actors such as Ministries or consulates, may have an influence on the social interactions of emigrants abroad even though this influence can be indirect. The paper tries to map actors and related actions including very specific cases like family pressure to discourage intermarriage or broader ones through programmes targeting diaspora which may have an empowerment effect on emigrants and thus foster their socio-cultural integration. Finally, through the paper, some specific case studies on transnational ties and integration are presented and several hypotheses and questions for further research are highlighted.