United States Of America

The International Migration Policy And Law Analysis (IMPALA) Database is a cross-national, cross-institutional, cross-disciplinary project on comparative immigration policy. The pilot database version covers 10 years and 9 country cases including Australia, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland, United Kingdom, and the United States of America. It covers The focus is admission policy, although the authors include also acquisition of citizenship, which is generally understood as being part of ‘immigrant policies’, namely what happens after admission. The project classifies and measures tracks of entry associated with five migration categories: economic migration, family reunification, asylum and humanitarian migration, and student migration, as well as acquisition of citizenship. It is the product of an international collaboration between researchers from George Mason University, Harvard University, London School of Economics and Political Science, Paris School of Economics, University of Amsterdam, University of Luxembourg, and University of Sydney.

Ziel des Buchprojektes mit dem Arbeitstitel "Beargwöhnt und benötigt: Westemigranten zwischen USA-Exil und DDR" ist die Untersuchung von Lebenswegen deutscher kommunistischer Emigranten, die nach 1945 nach Ostdeutschland zurückkehrten, um dort eine sozialistische Gesellschaft aufzubauen. Die Materialgrundlage bilden zu einem großen Teil Archivalia aus den USA und Deutschland, darunter Akten des FBI sowie Personalakten aus dem Bundesarchiv und der BStU. Das Projekt möchte den individuellen und kollektiven Erfahrungen nachgehen, wie sie sich im Leben und Werk dieser ostdeutschen Kommunisten niederschlugen.Die hier zu behandelnde Gruppe umfasst etwa vierzig Akteure (rund siebzig unter Einschluss der Angehörigen), die zwischen 1938 und 1945-48 in den USA lebten. Zu ihr gehörten prominente, auch berühmte Schriftsteller, Künstler und Wissenschaftler wie Bertolt Brecht, Ernst Bloch, Hanns und Gerhart Eisler, Henryk Grossmann, Stefan Heym, Alfred Kantorowicz und Samuel Mitja Rapoport. Nicht alle waren Mitglieder der KPD, aber alle gehörten zu Netzwerken, die um die Partei herum bestanden. Inwieweit die doppelte Wahrnehmung der USA als Zufluchtsland wie als Gesellschaft rigider Rassentrennung ihre Urteile über das Land beeinflusste, wird ebenfalls diskutiert.In Ostdeutschland waren die Rückkehrer willkommen. Sie wurden benötigt, doch zugleich waren und blieben sie beargwöhnt. Ihre Fähigkeiten auf wissenschaftlichem und künstlerischem Gebiet waren von ihren Exilerfahrungen im Hauptland des "westlichen Imperialismus" nicht zu trennen. Die sogenannten Westemigranten mussten sich in einer Gesellschaft einrichten, deren Normen vorrangig von solchen Kommunisten vorgegeben wurden, die aus der Sowjetunion zurückgekehrt waren oder die Nazizeit in Konzentrationslagern oder Zuchthäusern überlebt hatten. Während viele Rückkehrer aus den USA in den Bereichen Literatur, Kunst und Wissenschaft oder in den Medien sehr erfolgreich waren, schlugen nur sehr wenige, genannt sei Albert Norden, die politische Laufbahn ein.Zentrale Fragen der geplanten Monographie sind: 1.) Welche Entwürfe für ein Nachkriegsdeutschland entwickelte das kommunistische Exil in den USA?2.) Warum entschieden sich die Remigranten im Zeitalter des Systemkonfliktes für die SBZ/DDR und nicht für die Bundesrepublik?3.) Erzeugte die Exilerfahrung ein gemeinsames "kulturelles Gepäck", das die Westemigranten als Gruppe in der DDR erkennbar oder verdeckt gemeinsam prägte?4.) Wie schlug sich die Kaderpolitik der SED mitsamt den politischen "Säuberungen" der 1950er Jahren in den individuellen Erfahrungen und Handlungsspielräumen der Remigranten nieder? Welche Positionen errangen oder behaupteten sie in späteren Jahren?

Das beantragte Projekt untersucht die Entscheidungen in den USA lebender mexikanischer Migranten, im Alter nach Mexiko zurückzukehren, in den USA zu bleiben oder zwischen beiden Orten zu ‘pendeln’. Mit dieser Ausrichtung knüpft es an Stränge aktueller Forschung an, die sich mit dem Phänomen zunehmender globaler Migrationsströme nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg auseinandersetzen. Der Komplex ‘Alter und Migration’ ist dabei von wachsender wissenschaftlicher, sozialer und politischer Relevanz und erfordert eine eingehendere Beschäftigung, als er sie bisher erfahren hat. Die in dem Projekt untersuchten Migranten stammen alle aus verschiedenen ländlichen Gemeinden des zentralmexikanischen Tals von Solís, in dem die Antragsteller seit 1995 mehrere Feldforschungen durchgeführt haben. Der transnationale Raum, der etwa in den vergangenen drei Jahrzehnten zwischen dem Tal von Solís und mehreren Orten in den USA entstanden ist, beschränkt und bedingt die Zugehörigkeiten und die daraus resultierenden Handlungen und Entscheidungen der älteren Migranten und ihrer Familien. Aufgrund der Vorarbeiten in Mexiko ist es möglich, in dem beantragten Projekt insbesondere auf die in den USA lebenden Migranten zu fokussieren und zu fragen, inwieweit und auf welche Art und Weise sich Alter und Altern heute im transnationalen Raum gestalten.

"Das Hauptziel des Projektes besteht darin, die wirtschaftliche Integration von hoch gebildeten Immigranten aus der ehemaligen Sowjetunion in vier Zielländern zu vergleichen: USA, Kanada, Deutschland und Israel. Diese vier Länder stellten die hauptsächlichen Zielländer der Immigranten aus der ehem. Sowjetunion seit ihrem Niedergang 1989 dar. Jedes Aufnahmeland repräsentiert ein unterschiedliches Immigrationsregime, das sich sowohl in der Auswahl der Zuwanderer ins Einreiseland, als auch in der Bereitstellung der Art und Höhe der Hilfe und Unterstützung der Immigranten unterscheidet. Der Fokus der Integration der Immigranten aus einem Herkunftsland in verschiedenen Zielländern bieten uns die einmalige Gelegenheit die Auswirkungen der Immigrationspolitik und den Aufnahmekontext auf die ökonomische Integration der hoch gebildeten Immigranten zu untersuchen. Die geplante Untersuchung wird Folgendes erforschen: a) wie und warum hoch gebildete Immigranten ihr Zielland auswählen; b) die Konsequenzen der Selbstauswahl der Immigranten für ihren Erfolg auf dem Arbeitsmarkt und c) die Rolle des Aufnahmekontextes jedes Landes (Sozialpolitik und Arbeitsmarkteigenschaften) in Bezug auf die ökonomische Assimilation von hoch gebildeten Immigranten. Frau Kogan führt das Projekt an der Universität Bamberg weiter."

Internationale Migration ist in den letzten fünf Jahrzehnten stark angestiegen. In den Zielländern scheint dies weitgehend zu Produktivitätssteigerungen geführt zu haben. Gleichzeitig ist noch relativ wenig über die Entwicklungseffekte internationaler Migrationsnetzwerke auf die Herkunftsländer bekannt.Im Rahmen dieses Projektes sollen die Auswirkungen internationaler Migration auf Haushaltsentscheidungen in Herkunftsländern untersucht werden. Während sich die bisherige Literatur weitgehend auf die Einkommenseffekte von Rücküberweisungen konzentriert, soll in diesem Projekt festgestellt werden, ob der Zugang zu internationalen Migrationsnetzwerken - also Netzwerken zwischen Migranten und ihren zurückgebliebenen Angehörigen - einen ex-ante Versicherungseffekt auf Haushalte in den Herkunftsländern hat. Es gibt klare Evidenz dafür, dass Unsicherheit die Entscheidungen von Haushalten und Individuen beeinflusst. Wenn also Migrationsnetzwerke der Risikodiversifizierung dienen, so sollten sie auch solche Entscheidungen beeinflussen, die risikobehaftet sind. So ist beispielsweise bekannt, dass Arbeitssuchende, die einem hohen Maß an Risiko ausgesetzt sind, eher niedrig entlohnte Jobs annehmen als sich der zeitaufwändigen und ungewissen Arbeitssuche nach besser passenden Jobs zu widmen. Findet Risikoabsicherung über Migrationsnetzwerke statt, dann kann dies dazu führen, dass mehr Arbeitssuchende auf den für sie passenden Arbeitsplätzen landen. Damit würden Migrationsnetzwerke in den Herkunftsländern zu Wohlfahrtsverbesserungen führen, die über die direkten Effekte von Rücküberweisungen hinausgehen.Aufgrund der Endogenität von Migration, werden in diesem Projekt die Auswirkungen von Schocks in Migrationsnetzwerken zwischen Mexiko und den USA untersucht. Es werden dabei insbesondere solche Schocks in Betracht gezogen, die die Wirksamkeit dieser Netzwerke im Hinblick auf die Wahrscheinlichkeit, im Falle eines zukünftigen Schocks Einkommensunterstützung zu erhalten, beeinflussen. Beispiele für solche Schocks sind regionale Änderungen in Einwanderungsgesetzen, Abschiebungspraktiken oder wirtschaftliche Rezessionen. In einem ersten Schritt sollen neue Datenquellen (wie Daten sozialer Medien) ausgewertet werden, um Migrationsnetzwerke zwischen den USA und Mexiko auf subnationaler Ebene zu lokalisieren. Anhand hochfrequenter Arbeitsmarktdaten wird dann analysiert, wie sich Schocks in diesen Netzwerken auf die Arbeitssuche von Haushalten, ihre Berufswahl und letztlich die Arbeitsplatzqualität in Mexiko auswirken. In einem Doppelten-Differenz-Ansatz werden dazu räumliche Unterschiede in der typischen Zielregion von Migranten aus Mexiko innerhalb der USA mit zeitlicher Varianz im Auftreten von Schocks in diesen Regionen kombiniert.Die Ergebnisse dieses Projekts leisten einen Beitrag zu der aktuellen Debatte über die Kosten und Nutzen internationaler Migration, und geben Rückschlüsse auf die zugrunde liegenden Beweggründe für Migrationsentscheidungen.

In der geplanten Studie soll der Weg und das Wirken der letzten Generation ... deutscher Rabbiner als geistige und theologische Elite des deutschen Judentums im amerikanischen Exil in der Zeitspanne zwischen 1933 und 1989 analysiert werden. Die Grundlage der Untersuchung bildet eine systematische prosopographische Datensammlung zu den Lebensläufen der emigrierten „deutschen Rabbiner - die durch ihre spezifisch akademische, deutschsprachige Ausbildung und ihren wissenschaftlichen Ansatz definiert sind und zu einem zentralen Element im Entwurf eines „deutschen Judentums wurden. Die Erforschung des „Wegs der Emigranten soll Auskunft darüber geben, warum diese jüdische Elite, Amerika als Exil anstrebte, ob historisch enge Beziehungen zum amerikanischen Judentum hierfür entscheidend waren, wie sie im Exil aufgenommen wurden, dort ihre Arbeit als Rabbiner fortsetzten könnten und dies in verschiedenen unabhängigen Gemeinden, oder im Rahmen religiöser Dachorganisationen (Reform, Konservative und Orthodoxie), wissenschaftlichen Einrichtungen des Exillandes taten. Basierend auf der Analyse der Lebensläufe im gesellschaftlichen Kontext dieser Emigrantengruppe versucht die Studie jedoch auch Antworten auf deren „Wirken im transatlantischen Kulturtransfer/Kulturaustausch zu finden und ihre Funktion in der Konstruktion einer kollektiven Erinnerung an die deutschen/europäischen Juden wie an die Shoah zu untersuchen. Diese Fragen sollen sowohl im innerjüdischen, in einem gesamtgesellschaftlich amerikanischen, und internationalen Rahmen verfolgt werden und das sich wandelnde Selbstverständnis der Gruppe in einer besonderen sozio-politischen Verantwortung in einer breiten gesellschaftlichen Dimension analysieren.

"Theoretical Background and objectives In the context of the combination of escalated sectarian conflicts in Iraq and Syria, and home-grown conflicts around real and perceived attacks on Islam and its symbols in the West (from Rushdie to Charlie Hebdo), increased numbers of Muslim youth in Western countries have embraced radical forms of Islam and have sometimes become actively involved in violence, both at home and abroad. Beyond impressionistic evidence on a few active radicals, extremely little is known about the incidence among countries’ Muslim populations of adherence to radical versions of Islam and support for religiously-motivated violence. To answer these questions, cross-national surveys across Muslim populations in different countries are necessary, but apart from the very descriptive surveys by the US American Pew Research Institute, which are moreover not publicly accessible for secondary analysis, no such information is available. Existing research also leaves another major question unanswered, namely to what extent religious radicalism is specific to current Islam or whether it is comparable to what we find in other contemporary religions, particularly within Christianity. This project wants to fill these voids. A first step was an analysis based on the SCIICS survey. This was the first representative survey study to compare religious fundamentalism and outgroup hostility between Muslims and Christians (Koopmans 2015), and as such it attracted worldwide media attention. While the study revealed large differences between the two religious groups even when controlled for a range of socio-economic and demographic variables, the limitation of the study to two Muslim ethnic groups as well as the fact that it compared Muslims of immigrant origin to autochthonous Christians limits the generalizability of its findings. Moreover, the SCIICS survey did not include questions about support for religiously-motivated violence and extremist religious organizations. Research design To overcome these shortcomings, we are conducting two studies: Religious Fundamentalism and Radicalization Survey and Jihadi Radicalization in Europe Database. The first project is a representative survey study of Muslims, Christians, Jews, and non-believers in 2017 in the following 8 countries: Germany, the United States, Cyprus, Turkey, Israel, Palestine, Lebanon and Kenya. The choice of countries allows for a broad range of cross-national and cross-sectional comparisons. For instance, all three of the world’s Abrahamic religions are represented in our sample, allowing us to investigate similarities and differences between these three religious groups. In addition to comparisons across religious groups, we are also interested in examining variances within the religious groups. Therefore we sampled across different branches of Islam, i.e. Sunni Muslims (Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Kenya, and Cyprus), Shia Muslims (Lebanon) and Alevites (Turkey, Cyprus); of Christianity, i.e. Catholic and Protestant Christians (Germany, and the USA), Greek Orthodox Christians (Cyprus, Lebanon), Maronite Catholics (Lebanon) and the generally more conservative Christianity of Sub-Saharan Africa (Kenya); and of Judaism, i.e. both Orthodox and Reformist branches (Israel and the USA). Our research design also allows us to investigate the role of immigration and integration experiences in religious radicalization. The study not only includes two Western immigration countries with strongly divergent immigrant integration policies (Germany and the United States), but also three countries with autochthonous Muslim and Christian populations (Kenya, Cyprus, and Lebanon). Furthermore, both in Germany and the United States, we oversample Christians of immigrant origin, thus extending the range of comparisons to a variety of immigrant and native groups and augmenting the possibility of isolating the role of immigration. Apart from the usual socio-economic and demographic control variables, the surveys included questions on religiosity, religious knowledge, fundamentalism, out-group hostility, intergroup contacts, discrimination, adherence to conspiracy theories, violence legitimation, and support for extremist groups. Moreover we employed a survey experiment to test the effect of religious scripture on religious violence legitimation. The broad range of variables and the experiment included in the surveys will enable rigorous hypotheses testing, which will help us uncover causal mechanisms behind religious fundamentalism and radicalization. In the second project Jihadi Radicalization in Europe Database, we aggregate profiles of Jihadist individuals from publicly available information. The main units of analysis of this database are people from four European countries (Germany, France, the Netherlands and the UK) who fit in any of the following characteristics: People (including their partners and children from the age of 15 who accompanying them), who have traveled to Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan or other conflict regions involving Muslims, acting out of their Islamist conviction (the so-called foreign fighters); people who have actively recruited others as foreign fighters or motivated others to join through propaganda activities; people who were involved in the aiding, planning or conducting of Islamist terrorist activity in Europe or were suspected thereof; people who supported, justified or glorified the use of violence in the name of Islam through propaganda activities; people who are members of jihadi-Salafist and Islamist organizations, which support the use of violence. The database will primarily consist of biographical and sociodemographic information on individuals, with the aim of identifying common characteristics. Using the sociodemographic data, we aim to investigate, what kind of people are more susceptible to radicalization, whereas we will use the biographic data to gain insights into contexts of radicalization. In addition to these characteristics, social contacts and networks of the individuals will also be registered, in order to analyze the social network structures. This information will be used to explore group-specific radicalization processes as well as to identify central influential figures within the networks. The relevant data will be gathered through an online and media research. A variety of sources of data will be used to collect relevant information such as newspaper articles, interviews, online-blogs, biographies, news databases such as LexisNexis®, and court proceedings, in order to gather as much data as possible on the individuals. The database can be understood as an aggregation of publicly available data on European Islamists."

Recent trends in migrants' flows and stocks 2005, 2010, 2015, 2016, 2017 Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Korea, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russian Federation, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States.

Die internationale Migration von ÄrztInnen aus Subsahara-Afrika hat in den letzten Jahren stark zugenommen. 40 % aller Medizinabsolventen eines Jahrgangs der University of Nigeria sind 10 Jahre nach Beendigung ihres Studiums migriert, wobei die USA beliebtestes Migrationsziel sind. Bislang erfolgte eine eingehende Analyse der Medizinmigration unter dem Schlagwort des „Brain Drain“ vorwiegend aus ökonomischer Perspektive. Empirische Studien, die die Sichtweisen und weiteren Lebenszusammenhänge der Ärzte selbst in den Blick nehmen, blieben hingegen aus. Das hier skizzierte Projekt baut auf dem aktuellen Forschungsstand der Migration afrikanischer Ärzte unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Forschungsfelder skilled migration, Biomedizin in und aus Afrika, und transnationale Netzwerke auf. Ziel ist es, die Migrationserfahrungen einzelner nigerianischer Ärzte in den USA aus emischer Perspektive zu erforschen. Individuelle, soziale und kulturelle Migrationsmotivationen werden identifiziert und die Einbindung der Medizinmigranten in translokale, professionelle, geo-ethnische und familiäre oder religiöse Netzwerke analysiert. Im Fokus steht zudem das Selbstverständnis als Arzt und wie sich dieses durch die Einflüsse der Migration und Begegnung mit verschiedenen Medizinsystemen und -praktiken wandelt. Eine dichte Beschreibung dessen, wie sich afrikanische Medizinmigranten in einer globalen biomedizinischen Landschaft verorten und welchen Einfluss transnationale Netzwerke auf Zugehörigkeit, Mobilität und moralische Verpflichtungen gegenüber dem Herkunftsland haben, erlaubt abschließend ein umfassenderes Bild der African Medical Migration als es vorliegende quantitative Studien vermögen.

Based on the work of teams of researchers in four countries, this project is a comparative study of union strategies toward immigrant workers in Germany, France, the United Kingdom and United States. The focus is on unions efforts aimed at both workplace and social integration of immigrant workers: description, explanation by way of comparative analysis, and implications for future strategies.

There were a record 44.4 million immigrants living in the U.S. in 2017, making up 13.6% of the nation’s population. This represents a more than fourfold increase since 1960, when only 9.7 million immigrants lived in the U.S., accounting for just 5.4% of the total U.S. population.

The authors analyse the development of migration policies. They construct an index of immigration policy to assess changes of policy over time for 1860-1930. The focus on five countries of immigration-Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Canada, and the United States. Based on policy change (changes in the index were introduced only when policy changed), the index ranges over a scale of +5 to -5. A positive score denotes a pro-immigration policy A negative score denotes anti-immigration policy, A zero denotes policy neutrality, or a neutral outcome between conflicting pro- and anti-immigration policies.

Das Humankapital von Migranten ist ein Kernthema in heutigen politischen Debatten. Welche Länder können hochqualifizierte Kräfte anziehen? Welche Komponenten des Lebensstandards eines Zieltandes sind besonders attraktiv, und wie selektiv ist die Migration, relativ zum Herkunftsland? Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte bietet reiches Datenmaterial über das Humankapital und die Selektionsprozesse von Migranten, sogar disaggregierte Daten zu einzelnen Berufsgruppen sind verfügbar. Aber diese Daten wurden noch nicht in umfassenden und international vergleichenden Studien betrachtet. Zusätzliche Analysemöglichkeiten bieten die kürzlich entwickelten Techniken der Humankapitalmessung über Indikatoren. Zudem erlauben die bereits etablierten anthropometrischen Analysestrategien eine Betrachtung von erweiterten Wohlfahrtskonzepten, so dass der Prozess der Migration besser verstanden werden kann. Wir werden drei der wichtigsten Immigrationsländer für die Zeit 1800-1950 betrachten: die USA, Argentinien und Brasilien, die Migranten in großer Zahl aus einer umfangreichen Zahl von Herkunftsländern anzogen.

Im heutigen Österreich ist das Schicksal jener Kinder, die Beziehungen zwischen Österreicherinnen und US-amerikanischen GIs mit schwarzer Hautfarbe entstammten, weitgehend vergessen. Die Frauen wurden damals im Volksmund und den Medien häufig als „Schokoladenmädchen“, „Amischicksen“ und „Dollarflitscherln“ diffamiert. Die Tatsache, dass viele von ihnen uneheliche (und darüber hinaus auch noch dunkelhäutige) Kinder zur Welt gebracht hatten, führte dazu, dass sie von ihrer Umwelt als charakterlich schwach und „asozial“ eingestuft wurden. Die amerikanischen Väter waren oft nicht greifbar und dem Nachwuchs selbst wurde jegliche Integrationsfähigkeit in eine weiße, österreichische Gesellschaft abgesprochen. Der Rassismus der NS-Zeit wirkte in Bezug auf die vorherrschende Mentalität wohl noch nach, was den ledigen Müttern ihre Rolle als Alleinerziehende zusätzlich erschwerte. Nach derzeitigem Wissensstand wurden viele der Kinder zur Adoption freigegeben, in Heimen untergebracht und später in den USA zur Adoption freigegeben, wo sie von afroamerikanischen Eltern großgezogen wurden. Die genaue Anzahl der betroffenen Kinder liegt zum gegenwärtigen Zeitpunkt ebenso im Dunkeln, wie deren weitere Lebensgeschichten.

The Labour Migration Policy Index (LMPI) aims to assess on a national level the mechanisms which allow employers to meet their labour needs, and which provide favourable conditions for migrant workers. The LMPI focuses on assessing the formal rules and regulations of labour migration programmes, as opposed to actual policy implementation and migration outcomes, which are more difficult to evaluate. The LMPI considers two fields of labour migration policy -- Administration and Entry Mechanisms, and Migrant Worker Entitlements. Each of these two fields is divided into two ‘macro indicators’, for example, ‘Administrative mechanisms’ and ‘Entry mechanisms’. The LMPI only assesses migration programmes in a limited number of countries. In order to ensure some geographical balance, research has been conducted on the following thirteen countries: Australia, Canada, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore, Spain, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom and the United States.

The migrant is often thought of as a non-westerner in search for a better future in Europe or the United States. From a multi-sited ethnography with Swedish migrant women in the US, Singapore and Spain, this project explores the intersections of racial and class privilege and gender vulnerabilities in contemporary feminized migration from or within the West. Through an analysis of white migration, I develop theoretical tools to understand the dynamics that shape the women?s lives as wealthy housewives, expatriate wives and lifestyle migrants. Using the concept of white capital, I approach whiteness as an embodied form of cultural capital that is interlinked with and upheld by (transnational) institutions, citizenships, a white (Western) habitus and other resources that are transferrable (but mediated differently) cross-nationally, yet complicated by gendered and heterosexual norms, and its dependencies and regulations. By shifting the gaze towards privileged migrants, I illustrate how race and whiteness shape contemporary transnational migration and how white privilege is reproduced globally.

Mayda’s index addresses migration policies in 14 OECD countries (Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Japan, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, Sweden, Swizerland, United Kingdom, United States) between 1980 and 1995. Rather than addressing the overall policy situation for each year, the index focuses on changes in destination countries’ migration policies. The index increases by one if in that year the destination country’s immigration policy became less restrictive, decreases by one if it became more restrictive, and zero if there was no change Based on paper documents, the authors addressed the main characteristics of the migration policies of the destination countries in the sample and the timing (after 1980) of changes in their legislations. A dataset of destination countries’ migration policy changes, between 1980 and 1995, was constructed on the basis of the information in this appendix and used in the empirical analysis

The Barrier to Naturalization Index focuses specifically on the naturalization process and jus soli. It takes twelve requirements of the naturalization process into account: (1) good conduct, (2) willingness to integrate, (3) language skills, (4) dual nationality, (5) application complexity, (6) application fees, (7) state discretion in granting citizenship, (8) residency requirements, (9) jus sanguinis laws preventing jus soli naturalization of children, (10) jus sanguinis concerning children of parents born in country (double jus soli), (11) women allowed to maintain citizenship after marrying a foreigner, and (12) mothers when married to a foreigner being able to transfer citizenship to their children. It purposely excludes entry requirements, unemployment, and other variables. Data were taken from the naturalization laws of each country and reports from foreign country consulates in the United States. For the index, components were grouped into four categories with a weighing scheme. The total index was constructed as a percentage of the maximum score of the highest-scoring country, so it varied from 0 to 1.

The Index addresses the admission programmes/policies for temporary and permanent high-skilled workers in 2001. The author presents two sub-indexes and one index: index of policies for temporary high-skilled workers and index for permanent high-skilled workers, and combined index of skilled immigrant competitiveness. Twelve countries are chosen, including the traditional countries of immigration (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States), the major European receiving countries (France, Germany, Italy, Norway, Spain, and United Kingdom), South Africa and Japan. A list of comparative criteria is created for admission policies: Hard numerical caps; Strict labour market test; Extensive labour protections; Enforcement mechanisms; Limited employer portability; Restriction on dependents / working spouse; Limited permanency rights. A four point scale is used with a “4” being highly controlled and a “1” being highly competitive; and there are intermediate rankings of minimally (2 points) and moderately (3 points) controlled. The rankings are based on the addition of all points for each of the elements just described above, but converted into an index with the most “controlled” country given a value of 100.

Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts begann eine kontinuierliche Auswanderung aus dem Gebiet des heutigen Libanons, die bis heute anhält. Die Migrationsströme änderten mehrfach ihre Richtung, wobei die libanesischen Migranten in den letzten drei Jahrzehnten verstärkt nach Australien, in die USA und nach Deutschland wandern. Durch die Änderung der Migrationsrichtung bildeten sich Gemeinschaften, deren Mitglieder weltweit verstreut leben, wobei sie ihren Zusammenhalt mit der Herkunft der ausgewanderten Vorfahren aus dem gleichen Herkunftsort (-dorf) begründen. Es entstanden somit globale Dorfgemeinschaften. Ausgehend von den libanesischen Dörfern Aitou, Hadchit und Ehden untersuchen die Projektmitarbeiter die globalen Gemeinschaften und ihre Verbindungen in die Länder Australien, die USA und Deutschland. Die Projektmitarbeiter schlagen das Konzept der globalen Dorfgemeinschaft als neues theoretisches Modell vor, um Prozesse der Vergemeinschaftung und Verräumlichung in der globalisierten Welt zu untersuchen und zu verstehen. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zeigen auch die Möglichkeiten auf, die Mitglieder der globalen Gemeinschaften an der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung ihrer Lebensländer partizipieren zu lassen. Die Zunahme des digitalen Austauschs von Informationen und der Vergemeinschaftung im Web 2.0, die unkomplizierte Möglichkeit des Ortswechsels und die allgemeine politische Liberalisierung in der globalisierten Welt führen in arabischsprachigen Ländern dazu, dass die weltweit verbundene Dorfgemeinschaften zunehmend an wirtschaftlichem und politischem Einfluss gewinnen. Diese Gemeinschaften sind durch ein globales Geflecht enger kommunikativer und emotionaler Beziehungen unter ihren Mitgliedern gekennzeichnet, die ihr Zusammengehörigkeitsgefühl über den gemeinsamen Herkunftsort konstruieren und daher als Diasporas bezeichnet werden. Die Projektmitarbeiter definieren Diaspora als soziale Ordnung die nationalstaatliche Ordnungen durchbricht. In ihrer Studien stellen sie den Begriff Diaspora in den Kontext der globalisierten Welt. Hierfür entwickeln die Projektmitarbeiter die neue Theorie der globalen Dorfgemeinschaft, die das Konzept Gemeinschaft von TÖNNIES (1887) weiterentwickelt sowie mit der Theorie der sozialen Praktik nach SCHATZKI (2002) und dem Begriff Diaspora verbindet. Um die Wechselwirkungen zwischen modernen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien (IKT) und den Prozessen der Vergemeinschaftung zu verstehen, entwerfen die Projektmitarbeiter neue Forschungsmethoden. Diese führen die methodologischen Gedanken der szientistischen Sozialwissenschaft mit denen der Ethnomethodologie zusammen.

"Theoretical background and objectives Survey data are one way to study labour market disadvantages of immigrants. But they have the disadvantage that not all differences with natives can be explained away with the available variables. Hence, there is no way to determine with certainty whether the residual gaps are due to discrimination or to other unobserved variables. Audit and correspondence studies have become popular responses to this problem and have demonstrated for a wide range of ethnic groups and countries that discrimination occurs. So far studies have almost exclusively used a paired application design, in which two applications, one native and one from a selected minority group, are sent, which apart from cosmetic details differ only in the ethnicity of the applicant. Widespread as it may be, this design has the major disadvantage that it is diagnostic rather than analytic. It can demonstrate beyond reasonable doubt that discrimination occurs – at least for a selected ethnic group – but not whether taste or statistical mechanisms are behind discrimination, nor which characteristics of applicants – their race, religion, cultural or linguistic distance, or specific ethnicity – provoke discrimination. In this project that was started in late 2014 we want to move beyond these limitations by using an unpaired multiple-group, multiple-treatment design in which we vary racial phenotype, religion, as well as ethnicity. Native ethnics are compared to second generation applicants from 34 immigrant ethnic groups. For her dissertation, Ruta Yemane will implement a similar design in the USA in cooperation with Harvard University. The German study allows a direct measurement of racial discrimination because in Germany photographs are allowed or required in the application process. In the USA race will be indirectly signaled by names and ethnic language. The multiple-group design allows regression analyses testing for taste or statistical discrimination, for instance by relating callback rates to cultural distance to the countries of origin (using World Values Survey data) or to group educational and labour market status averages (e.g., using the German Mikrozensus). Findings In order to investigate the drivers of discrimination against second generation immigrant job applicants, we sent thousands of applications from fictitious persons to real job openings in eight professions all over Germany. Next to job applicants’ ethnicity (German or migration background in one out of 34 origin countries), phenotype (Asian, Black, White), and religious affiliation (none, Buddhist or Hindu, Christian, or Muslim), we varied several other characteristics of the applications, such as applicants’ gender, final grades, whether or not a reference letter was included, as well as information about applicants’ current contract. Our results confirm that employers discriminate against immigrant job applicants. The magnitude of discrimination, however, varies strongly between origin groups. Whereas employers do not discriminate against Western and Southern European and East Asian immigrants, other origin groups experience significant disadvantages. In addition, we observe substantial disadvantages for Black and Muslim job applicants. With respect to classic theories about the drivers of discrimination on the labor market, that is, taste-based and statistical discrimination, we find that the cultural distance between origin countries and Germany explains discrimination against different groups much better than productivity-related group characteristics, such as average levels of education. Consequently, our empirical findings are more supportive of taste-based discrimination than they are of statistical discrimination theories."

The Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) is a unique tool which measures policies to integrate migrants. The MIPEX aims to address this by providing a comprehensive tool which can be used to assess, compare and improve integration policy. The index is a useful tool to evaluate and compare what governments are doing to promote the integration of migrants in all the countries analysed. The tool allows you to dig deep into the multiple factors that influence the integration of migrants into society and allows you to use the full MIPEX results to analyse and assess past and future changes in policy. The MIPEX includes 38 countries in order to provide a view of integration policies across a broad range of differing environments. Countries included are all EU Member States, Australia, Canada, Iceland, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, Turkey and the USA. 167 policy indicators have been developed to create a rich, multi-dimensional picture of migrants’ opportunities to participate in society. MIPEX addresses 8 policy areas of integration: Labour Market Mobility, Family Reunion, Education, Political Participation, Long-term Residence, Access to Nationality, Anti-discrimination and Health. Thanks to the relevance and rigor of its indicators, the MIPEX has been recognised as a common quick reference guide across Europe. Policymakers, NGOs, researchers, and European and international institutions are using its data not only to understand and compare national integration policies, but also to improve standards for equal treatment.

Targeted policy responses for irregular migration require better knowledge about the characteristics of the irregular migrant population and dynamics of irregular migration, as well as about the effects of policy measures. Yet, quantitative data relating to irregular migration are scarce, often outdated and contested. The inadequecy of current data makes it challenging for stakeholders to develop and monitor policies. How do legal frameworks in different countries define migrant irregularity? What are the characteristics of irregular migrants in terms of age, gender, nationality or other socioeconomic variables? How can the effects of policy measures, such as regularisation, be assessed? MIrreM adresses the challenge of insufficent knowledge about irregular migration and regularisation in Europe by actively involving relevant stakeholders in every stage of this project – as co-creators of its results and as stakeholders to its mission. In a rigorous comparative and multi-level study, we will assess the policies, data needs and estimates that define migrant irregularity in 11 EU member states, the UK, Canada, the USA and five transit countries. Using several coordinated pilots we will develop new and innovative methods for measuring irregular migration and ‘regularisation scenarios’, and we will explore if and how these instruments can be transferred or scaled up to other socio-economic or institutional conditions. Based on these insights, we will develop two public databases: a) a database with estimates on irregular migrant stocks and b) a database on irregular migration flows, that will also include data on regularisations. Together with the expert groups, we will synthesize our findings into a Handbook on data on irregular migration and a Handbook on regularisation that will support evidenced-based and targeted policymaking concerning irregular migration. Finally, we will develop training resources for policymakers, practitioners, journalists and early-career researchers.

"Theoretical background and objectives The increased and sustained presence of Muslim immigrants has led states and governments in Europe and elsewhere to re-negotiate the accommodation of religious minorities. Many of these processes of negotiation of cultural and religious rights have taken place in public institutions but only some of these institutions such as schools have received broad public and political as well as scientific attention. The current research project tries to broaden this perspective by directing attention to the military as a public institution that has not only a special relationship with the state and the nation, but also fulfils a very specific task and constitutes a ""total institution"" (Goffman 1961). The central research question addressed by this project is how to explain differences but also commonalities in the ways military services across Europe and the United States accommodate religious minorities? The existing literature on Muslim accommodation mainly suggests two lines of argumentation: 1) country-specific opportunity structures shaped by national configurations of citizenship and immigrant integration or by national forms of religious governance are decisive for differences in minority accommodation, 2) minority-specific forms of accommodation that are determined by each minority's capacity to mobilise explain differences in accommodation. The current project seeks to add a third theoretical approach arguing that institution-specific opportunity structures are decisive factors for different forms of accommodation (cf. Michalowski 2015 in RSS). The objective of this research is to first of all deliver a descriptive analysis of the accommodation of religious minorities in the military services of five European countries and the US. The descriptive analysis also includes typical conflicts that arise with the inclusion of Islam as well as the solutions proposed by the different armed forces. In a second step, the project formulates hypotheses about how to explain the different types of accommo­dation. Special emphasis will be placed on the discussion of the different levels of influence: national models and ideological precepts of state-religion relationship, organization-specific arguments and finally the collective action of individual actors on the ground. Research design, data and methodology Given the fact that access to military data is limited by nature, the project recurs to expert interviews carried out in all countries of comparison. The data collected through these expert interviews relates first of all to the organisation of the military chaplaincy, the position of the established (Christian) churches and the chances for newcomers to send chaplains to the military. Second, it focuses on individual religious rights that are granted to soldiers such as religious apparel, religious dietary restrictions, time to pray and religious holidays. Third, the interviews focus on conflicts that arise with regard to the accommodation of religion and religious minorities in the respective national military services as well as on ways to resolve these conflicts."

Over the last four decades since the initial mass resettlement of refugees from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in 1975, principally in the US and France, the Southeast Asian communities in Europe and the US have registered a demographic shift with the emergence of diaspora-born generations with different experiences, access, mobility, ties to the ancestral homeland, and notions and claims to citizenship and belonging in multiple contexts. Despite the long history of migration to France, dating back to the colonial period, there is little scholarly attention paid to the Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Laotian communities (heretofore referred to as "Southeast Asian") in France. French preoccupation remains largely fixated on Asia and on the antiquities, rather than on the diaspora. This is particularly noteworthy given that Southeast Asians collectively constitute the second largest Asian population in France, a close second only to the Chinese. Despite the resurgent attention to immigration issues in Europe in recent years, we know little of the integration experiences of these earlier but relatively recent refugee communities in Europe. In particular, we have virtually no knowledge of the post-refugee generations that are an integral part of French cultural, political, economic, and social fabric. These knowledge gaps deprive us of critical insights that would be relevant and invaluable in view of the current refugee situations in Europe, and the intensifying debates engendered by demographic and cultural shifts both in the US and in France. Though relatively more prolific, scholarship on Southeast Asians in the US remains uneven, with more studies available on Vietnamese Americans than on other communities, and comparatively little on the post-refugee generations. With their different historical relationships with Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, and different philosophies about immigrant incorporation and cultural pluralism, the US and France make for a rich comparative study that is at the center of our proposed collaboration. This two-part initiative proposes, firstly, to bring together an interdisciplinary group of European and American researchers working on Vietnamese, Cambodian and Laotian diasporas to engage in critical, cross disciplinary discourse on the post-refugee generations. Among other concerns, the researchers on the project are particularly interested in their social, cultural, political, and transnational negotiations with regards to identity politics, networks, and public engagement, as guided in part by the following questions: What are the experiences of the Southeast Asian post-refugee generations in Europe? What forces and factors in the receiving contexts shape their experiences, and how, and what are the differences and commonalities among the contexts of reception? How, if in any way, does historical memory inform their identity constructions, socialities, and diasporic consciousness and engagement? What, if any, are their relationships with the ancestral homeland? How are those ties maintained or made manifest? The ultimate aims of this project are as follows: - to map the landscape of research on contemporary Southeast Asian migration to Europe - to share research methodologies, trends, and findings - to broaden and deepen our comparative understanding of refugee resettlement and incorporation experiences in America and in Europe that are the two principal refugee resettlement hubs - to foster cross and trans-disciplinary discourse on migration and diasporas - to advance and widen the transnational fields of critical refugee, migration and diaspora studies - to transnationalize the Critical Refugee Studies Collective, which is a University of California-based network of critical refugee studies scholars. Secondly and as an extension of this larger conversation, Um and Le Bail also propose to begin ethnographic research on post-refugee generations of Southeast Asians in France, with particular attention to the Sino-Vietnamese community that is their shared research interest and that constitutes an underexplored research terrain.

Scholars of international migration pay increasing attention to localities. As a result, we know much about cities being more innovative and efficient in their local immigrant integration policies than central governments. However, less is known about cities’ response to the needs of their most marginalized immigrant populations struggling with poverty, and about the risks related to decentralising policies to the local levels (e.g. creating unequal opportunities). Although migrants in Europe and in the U.S. statistically are more active on the labour market than nationals, they are twice more often affected by poverty, stay longer in poverty, fall back into it more often, face greater barriers to and within employment, and yet, they underutilize welfare services which are available to them. Using a case of Polish immigrants in three EU (London, Berlin, Stockholm) and one U.S. (New York City) cities, LocMig research project aims to examine the response of local welfare system (the system of provisions of welfare resources by local actors) to migrant urban poverty. LocMig will develop a novel theory explaining the role of macro-, mezo- and micro-level factors in shaping various responses to migrant poverty. Polish immigrants will be a focus of this study, as they are the second-largest group among intra-EU migrants (1.1. million in 2016), and the third-largest among European migrants in the U.S. (nearly 425,000 in 2018). A massive interest has been dedicated to Polish immigration particularly post-2004, however, only a handful of studies focus on the less successful stories of Polish immigrants struggling with poverty. A few studies describe Poles experiencing homelessness in London, Oslo and Brussel. A comparative understanding of various poverty experiences and use of services within various local welfare systems is missing. The four cities are selected to the study, as they are all top migrant destinations, operate within different national and local welfare regimes, have different national-level effectiveness in reducing migrant poverty, and are among the top destinations for Polish immigrants. LocMig project will answer three specific research questions: Question 1: For Polish immigrants living in cities and experiencing poverty and for direct service providers who work with them, how does reducing poverty look within different LWSs? Question 2: How do different responses of LWSs enable or impede reducing poverty? Question 3: How do macro, meso and micro-level factors shape various types of LWSs responses to migrant poverty? Research methodology: In order to answer these questions, we propose to conduct a comparative-case study (CCS, Yin, 2017) with qualitative longitudinal research component (Neale, 2019; Derrington, 2019) and based on so called community collaborative approach (McKay, Bell, Blake, 2010). CCS will allow to compare cases using a high level of scientific rigour. The longitudinal research will allow to maximize opportunities for understanding how overcoming poverty occurs (or is hindered) in “real-time” as participants enter local welfare systems. Finally, the community collaborative approach involves key stakeholders in the research process and that way, the research design and process is culturally and contextually relevant to the participating communities. The data collection process will include 72 interviews with Polish migrants and native-born who experienced poverty, and with direct service providers; Longitudinal research will be based on 48 interviews and 4 shadowing observations conducted in three waves of interviews with LWS migrant participants and persons directly providing services. Additionally, 8 expert interviews will be conducted, two in each city. Interviewed immigrants will also fill a demographic and social network survey. The project will also use secondary data collected in each city: national and city-level legislation related to the local welfare system, principal texts produced by non-state actors involved in the local welfare systems, and qualitative and quantitative indicators of local welfare system response to migrant poverty (e.g. multilingual provision of various welfare programs in cities, access to services for undocumented migrants etc.). The data analysis process will combine elements of grounded theory approach, deductive qualitative analysis, and inductive thematic analysis; and social network analysis. Dedoose and SPSS software will support data analysis process. LocMig contributes to the field of sociology of international migration and social welfare studies by addressing the following gaps existed in these fields: limited knowledge on migrants utilizing local welfare systems; successful LWSs responses to migrant poverty; Polish immigrants struggling with poverty and accessing welfare systems in comparative contexts. Scientific impact of the project will be achieved by means of advancement of state-of-the-art, preparing and submitting articles to peer-reviewed international journals, preparation of a book manuscript, participation in international conferences, presenting and consulting the research during public lectures, and popularizing project findings on social and professional media.

Scholars of international migration pay increasing attention to localities. As a result, we know much about cities being more innovative and efficient in their local immigrant integration policies than central governments. However, less is known about cities’ response to the needs of their most marginalized immigrant populations struggling with poverty, and about the risks related to decentralising policies to the local levels (e.g. creating unequal opportunities). Although migrants in Europe and in the U.S. statistically are more active on the labour market than nationals, they are twice more often affected by poverty, stay longer in poverty, fall back into it more often, face greater barriers to and within employment, and yet, they underutilize welfare services which are available to them. Using a case of Polish immigrants in three EU (London, Berlin, Stockholm) and one U.S. (New York City) cities, LocMig research project aims to examine the response of local welfare system (the system of provisions of welfare resources by local actors) to migrant urban poverty. LocMig will develop a novel theory explaining the role of macro-, mezo- and micro-level factors in shaping various responses to migrant poverty. Polish immigrants will be a focus of this study, as they are the second-largest group among intra-EU migrants (1.1. million in 2016), and the third-largest among European migrants in the U.S. (nearly 425,000 in 2018). A massive interest has been dedicated to Polish immigration particularly post-2004, however, only a handful of studies focus on the less successful stories of Polish immigrants struggling with poverty. A few studies describe Poles experiencing homelessness in London, Oslo and Brussel. A comparative understanding of various poverty experiences and use of services within various local welfare systems is missing. The four cities are selected to the study, as they are all top migrant destinations, operate within different national and local welfare regimes, have different national-level effectiveness in reducing migrant poverty, and are among the top destinations for Polish immigrants. LocMig project will answer three specific research questions: Question 1: For Polish immigrants living in cities and experiencing poverty and for direct service providers who work with them, how does reducing poverty look within different LWSs? Question 2: How do different responses of LWSs enable or impede reducing poverty? Question 3: How do macro, meso and micro-level factors shape various types of LWSs responses to migrant poverty? Research methodology: In order to answer these questions, we propose to conduct a comparative-case study (CCS, Yin, 2017) with qualitative longitudinal research component (Neale, 2019; Derrington, 2019) and based on so called community collaborative approach (McKay, Bell, Blake, 2010). CCS will allow to compare cases using a high level of scientific rigour. The longitudinal research will allow to maximize opportunities for understanding how overcoming poverty occurs (or is hindered) in “real-time” as participants enter local welfare systems. Finally, the community collaborative approach involves key stakeholders in the research process and that way, the research design and process is culturally and contextually relevant to the participating communities. The data collection process will include 72 interviews with Polish migrants and native-born who experienced poverty, and with direct service providers; Longitudinal research will be based on 48 interviews and 4 shadowing observations conducted in three waves of interviews with LWS migrant participants and persons directly providing services. Additionally, 8 expert interviews will be conducted, two in each city. Interviewed immigrants will also fill a demographic and social network survey. The project will also use secondary data collected in each city: national and city-level legislation related to the local welfare system, principal texts produced by non-state actors involved in the local welfare systems, and qualitative and quantitative indicators of local welfare system response to migrant poverty (e.g. multilingual provision of various welfare programs in cities, access to services for undocumented migrants etc.). The data analysis process will combine elements of grounded theory approach, deductive qualitative analysis, and inductive thematic analysis; and social network analysis. Dedoose and SPSS software will support data analysis process. LocMig contributes to the field of sociology of international migration and social welfare studies by addressing the following gaps existed in these fields: limited knowledge on migrants utilizing local welfare systems; successful LWSs responses to migrant poverty; Polish immigrants struggling with poverty and accessing welfare systems in comparative contexts. Scientific impact of the project will be achieved by means of advancement of state-of-the-art, preparing and submitting articles to peer-reviewed international journals, preparation of a book manuscript, participation in international conferences, presenting and consulting the research during public lectures, and popularizing project findings on social and professional media.

Scholars of international migration pay increasing attention to localities. As a result, we know much about cities being more innovative and efficient in their local immigrant integration policies than central governments. However, less is known about cities’ response to the needs of their most marginalized immigrant populations struggling with poverty, and about the risks related to decentralising policies to the local levels (e.g. creating unequal opportunities). Although migrants in Europe and in the U.S. statistically are more active on the labour market than nationals, they are twice more often affected by poverty, stay longer in poverty, fall back into it more often, face greater barriers to and within employment, and yet, they underutilize welfare services which are available to them. Using a case of Polish immigrants in three EU (London, Berlin, Stockholm) and one U.S. (New York City) cities, LocMig research project aims to examine the response of local welfare system (the system of provisions of welfare resources by local actors) to migrant urban poverty. LocMig will develop a novel theory explaining the role of macro-, mezo- and micro-level factors in shaping various responses to migrant poverty. Polish immigrants will be a focus of this study, as they are the second-largest group among intra-EU migrants (1.1. million in 2016), and the third-largest among European migrants in the U.S. (nearly 425,000 in 2018). A massive interest has been dedicated to Polish immigration particularly post-2004, however, only a handful of studies focus on the less successful stories of Polish immigrants struggling with poverty. A few studies describe Poles experiencing homelessness in London, Oslo and Brussel. A comparative understanding of various poverty experiences and use of services within various local welfare systems is missing. The four cities are selected to the study, as they are all top migrant destinations, operate within different national and local welfare regimes, have different national-level effectiveness in reducing migrant poverty, and are among the top destinations for Polish immigrants. LocMig project will answer three specific research questions: Question 1: For Polish immigrants living in cities and experiencing poverty and for direct service providers who work with them, how does reducing poverty look within different LWSs? Question 2: How do different responses of LWSs enable or impede reducing poverty? Question 3: How do macro, meso and micro-level factors shape various types of LWSs responses to migrant poverty? Research methodology: In order to answer these questions, we propose to conduct a comparative-case study (CCS, Yin, 2017) with qualitative longitudinal research component (Neale, 2019; Derrington, 2019) and based on so called community collaborative approach (McKay, Bell, Blake, 2010). CCS will allow to compare cases using a high level of scientific rigour. The longitudinal research will allow to maximize opportunities for understanding how overcoming poverty occurs (or is hindered) in “real-time” as participants enter local welfare systems. Finally, the community collaborative approach involves key stakeholders in the research process and that way, the research design and process is culturally and contextually relevant to the participating communities. The data collection process will include 72 interviews with Polish migrants and native-born who experienced poverty, and with direct service providers; Longitudinal research will be based on 48 interviews and 4 shadowing observations conducted in three waves of interviews with LWS migrant participants and persons directly providing services. Additionally, 8 expert interviews will be conducted, two in each city. Interviewed immigrants will also fill a demographic and social network survey. The project will also use secondary data collected in each city: national and city-level legislation related to the local welfare system, principal texts produced by non-state actors involved in the local welfare systems, and qualitative and quantitative indicators of local welfare system response to migrant poverty (e.g. multilingual provision of various welfare programs in cities, access to services for undocumented migrants etc.). The data analysis process will combine elements of grounded theory approach, deductive qualitative analysis, and inductive thematic analysis; and social network analysis. Dedoose and SPSS software will support data analysis process. LocMig contributes to the field of sociology of international migration and social welfare studies by addressing the following gaps existed in these fields: limited knowledge on migrants utilizing local welfare systems; successful LWSs responses to migrant poverty; Polish immigrants struggling with poverty and accessing welfare systems in comparative contexts. Scientific impact of the project will be achieved by means of advancement of state-of-the-art, preparing and submitting articles to peer-reviewed international journals, preparation of a book manuscript, participation in international conferences, presenting and consulting the research during public lectures, and popularizing project findings on social and professional media.

The Commitment to Development Index focuses policies that benefit people living in poorer nations. It ranks 27 of the world’s richest countries (for the period 2003-2018) on these policies. The Index comprises seven components: aid (both quantity, as a share of gross national income, and quality), trade, finance, migration, environment, security, and technology. Each component is underpinned by a series of indicators of policy effectiveness in these areas. A country receives points for policies and actions that support poor nations in their efforts to build prosperity, good government, and security. The scores across these seven components are averaged for a final score. The migration component related to migration policy is composed of: 1) an indicator on international conventions 2) indicator on integration policies taken from the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX), developed by the Migration Policy Group (MPG). The indicator on international conventions assesses the extent to which countries have ratified international conventions aiming to protect migrants. Three conventions are considered: 1949 Convention concerning Migration for Employment (No. 97); 1975 Convention concerning Migrations in Abusive Conditions and the Promotion of Equality of Opportunity and Treatment of Migrant Workers (No. 143); 2000 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children.

The MACIMIDE Global Expatriate Dual Citizenship Dataset charts the rules that existed in near all states of the world since 1960 with regard to the loss or renunciation of citizenship after a citizen of a respective state voluntarily acquires the citizenship of another state. The central variable of the Dataset is the dualcit_cat variable. This is a categorical variable whose values may be used to interpret, in broad lines, the position of a country with regards to the expatriate dual citizenship. The dualcit_cat variable reflects what consequences the legislation and legal practice of a country attaches to the voluntary acquisition of a foreign citizenship. The value of this variable depends on a number of criteria, including whether a citizen of the reference country who voluntarily obtains a foreign citizenship automatically loses – in principle – the citizenship of the origin country, and whether a citizen of the reference country can renounce that citizenship. The value assigned to dualcit_cat reflects the position of the country on the 1st of January of the reference year. Any subsequent changes in legislation will be reflected in the dualcit_cat value of the following year and included in updated versions of the Dataset. The dualcit_binary variable is a recoding of the dualcit_cat variable. This variable can be used for broad comparisons of the dual citizenship positions around the world. The possible values reflect whether the legislation of a country, in a given reference year, provides for the automatic loss of the origin citizenship (1) or not (2). All data have been centrally collected and refer to specific provisions in national law.

"The project centers on the portrayals of Europe in literature, art and political writings by Jewish emigrants since the 1930s and until the present day. It holds that Jewish thinkers reconceptualized the continent in alliance with Jewish liturgical vocabulary. Europe emerged as a lost homeland for Jews, a terrain from which one is expelled. Feelings of guilt, social isolation, and historical injustice – which have shaped Jewish individuals’ affinity to the continent since the 1930s – enforced this impression. Alongside the establishment of Israel and development of Jewish communities in America, Jews thus began to imagine a relationship to Europe that mirrors the attitude they once possessed toward the mythical Zion before the birth of political Zionism. Following the oscillation between “diaspora” and “homeland” in Jewish historical imagination, the project scrutinizes Jews’ volatile and interdependent relationship to Europe, Israel, and North America. Works by German-Jewish emigrants and by Jewish migrants to Germany stress the competing roles that the image of Europe as a lethal place for Jews has played in global politics. “Fictions of return” to the continent have thus posed a continual challenge to political theories that describe the mass exile from Europe as constitutive of postwar reality due to its irreversibility, such as Hannah Arendt’s account of totalitarianism."