Global

The rise of the global South is transforming global governance. It is creating new demands for multilateral institutions and jumpstarting regionalism. The result is a new range of strategic choices available to developing countries, and a new imperative to reform and reinvigorate multilateral and regional organizations. This paper explores the transformation of governance in four sectors—finance, health, migration and security—and highlights the implications for developing countries. In each area, developing countries have clear and powerful collective interests. There are also challenges for global governance. At one end is the relatively well-institutionalized area of finance, where reforming existing institutions is key. At the other end is migration, where global negotiations are needed, and institutions barely exist.

Dieses Forschungsprojekt widmet sich den emergenten Routen afrikanischer MigrantInnen, die bei dem Versuch, Nordamerika zu erreichen, mehrere zentralamerikanische Länder durchqueren. Auf empirischer Ebene reagiert das Projekt damit auf die wachsende Anzahl afrikanischer MigrantInnen und Geflüchteter in Zentralamerika und ordnet deren Erfahrungen in den Kontext weltumspannender und ungleicher Migrationsrouten, -krisen und -industrien ein. Auf theoretischer Ebene trägt das Projekt zu einem kritischen Verstehen der Dynamiken zwischen Migration, Ent- und Neuverortung und (Im)mobilitäten bei. Das Projekt untersucht, inwieweit die Dialektik zwischen Entortung (displacement) und (Neu-)Verortung (emplacement) auf die verlängerten und in hohem Maße unberechenbaren Migrationsrouten im Globalen Süden angewandt werden kann. Ethnographisch erfasst werden insbesondere die migrantischen Routen und das, was wir ‚Migrationsknotenpunkte’ des Schmuggelns, der Überwachung und der Solidarität nennen. Indem sich das ethnographische Verstehen migrantischer Trajekte an Reiseverläufen und Knotenpunkten orientiert, trägt das Projekt zu einer Theoretisierung ambivalenter, verflochtener und re-lokalisierter Verläufe der (Im-)mobilisierung bei. Durch seine Konzentration auf Ereignisse und Erfahrungen vor dem Erreichen des Globalen Nordens widerspricht das Projekt vereinfachenden, policy-orientierten Interpretationen und Repräsentationen von MigrantInnen und Geflüchteten auf dem Weg durch Länder des Globalen Südens, deren Erfahrungen aus ihrem Verlauf heraus erforscht werden müssen.

Soziale Ungleichheit wurde bisher ausschließlich zwischen oder innerhalb von Nationalstaaten untersucht. Als Folge von Globalisierungsprozessen können soziale Lagen immer weniger auf einen klar umgrenzten Raum bezogen werden. Das Projekt geht der These einer transnationalen Klassenbildung am Beispiel von hochqualifizierten Migrant/innen nach. Ihre soziale Lage entfaltet sich im Spannungsfeld zwischen einer globalen Ökonomie, die ihr kulturelles Kapital weltweit anschlussfähig werden lässt, und der nationalstaatlichen Organisation der Politik, die der Herausbildung einer transnationalen Klassenlage entgegensteht. So sind auch hochqualifizierte Migrant/innen im Zugang zu nationalen Räumen ungleich gestellt, je nachdem, ob sie einem reichen oder armen Land, einer statushohen oder einer symbolisch delegitimierten Gruppe zugerechnet werden. Die objektive und subjektive Strukturiertheit einer transnationalen Lage wird mittels qualitativer Interviews erfasst, die durch standardisierte Fragebögen ergänzt werden. Durch systematische Vergleiche zwischen Experten/innen, die von deutschen Organisationen in Entwicklungsländer entsandt werden, IT-Frachkräften, die unter der sog. Grenncard-Regelung angeworben werden, und westafrikanischen Akademiker/innen, die in Süfafrika arbeiten, wird die Heterogenität transnationaler sozialer Lagen erfasst. Sollten trotz maximaler Kontraste ähnliche Strukturierungen überwiegen, wäre dies ein Beleg für die Bildung transnationaler Klassenlagen.

From the sheer numbers of migrants to the complex processes that set people on the move and the multiple changes they bring to both origin and destination countries, international migration suffers considerable deficits of knowledge. As international migration connects each country of the world with all the others, addressing knowledge gaps will require international consensus on definitions and methods of data collection. There is a long way to go before this most challenging objective will be reached. The current study describes some of the steps that need to be taken. Defining international migration A proper assessment of international migration data at the world level must be based on a systematic inventory of what exists and what does not in each country. For lack of such an inventory, this report provides an overview assessment of the various criteria used by public administrations to define and produce data on international migration. Documenting international migration Data are generally collected by national administrations to serve their own needs and not those of scientific research or evidence-based policymaking, with the result that data on international migration are too often insufficient and lacking in quality. Policymakers often lack the minimal statistical evidence necessary to make informed decisions, while academics lack the basic data needed for scientific research. This report identifies key issues that should be addressed to improve migration data for policymaking and scientific research. These include: disentangling migrants from travellers and differentiating between short-term mobility and migration; matching entry and exit data; counting emigrants, i.e. absent individuals; counting circular, seasonal and temporary migrants; and measuring irregular migration. These issues often require ad hoc measurement methods such as specialized surveys. Mapping research on international migration Research addresses the causes of international migration, the process of migration itself as well as its consequences; it does so in the countries of origin and destination, as well as in the transnational space spanning origin and destination. This paper outlines 7 priority areas for research on international migration: Determinants of migration in countries of origin; Pull factors in countries of destination; Linkages between countries of origin and destination; Migration stages; Emigrants, as actors of change in countries of origin; The inclusion of migrants and their contribution to development in destination countries; And finally, the global consequences of migration. Conclusions To significantly improve our understanding of international migration, including its multiple determinants, complex processes and diverse impacts, the following challenges need to be addressed: All countries should acknowledge that international migration is defined; by border crossing. Equating immigrants with foreign citizens confuses a geographic notion with a legal one and indirectly serves policies of exclusion; All countries should agree on producing population data by detailed country of birth using the same unified list of world countries; International organizations should make all possible efforts to extend the coverage of migration surveys to all the countries that host sizeable migrant populations in the Global North as well as in the Global South; The scientific community should organize itself at a global level to develop and disseminate methodologies to fill the huge knowledge gaps that are the result of the currently patchy, mostly administrative data.

The objective of the Report is to provide an analysis of the current and expected macroeconomic and financial conditions at the global level, with also a focus on key economic areas such as Europe, the USA and ASIA.

The objective of the Report is to provide an analysis of the current and expected macroeconomic and financial conditions at the global level, with also a focus on key economic areas such as Europe, the USA and ASIA.

The objective of the Report is to provide an analysis of the current and expected macroeconomic and financial conditions at the global level, with also a focus on key economic areas such as Europe, the USA and ASIA.

The IRMA project is informed by the wider theoretical framework of globalization studies which point to the erosion of the sovereignty and independence of the nation state. Globalization is a multi-faceted and multi-level phenomenon: economically it involves the elimination of countries’ trade boundaries and the development of global multinational corporations. At the cultural level it signifies to a large extent the spread of a borderless and boundless consumerism. However this also creates opposed movements of return to local cultures and local economies. At the social level, globalization involves a sense that politics and democracy are increasingly less relevant as global market forces seem to take the lead. At the same time the volatility of the global economy creates a crisis of legitimacy for the neo-liberal policies that advocate stripping away the protections that nation states used to provide to their citizens in the name of an unstoppable global model of development (George and Wilding 2002; Holton 2005, Milliot and Tournois 2010). Migration is deeply affected by globalization as the lifestyles, consumer habits, sense of relative deprivation as well as systems of production and politics of developing countries are shaped by the forces of social, political and economic globalization. People become more aware of the better prospects that potentially await them in developed countries. Information travels faster than before, and means to get connected through IT as well as means of transport are also cheaper and faster. The erosion of national boundaries create also more space and scope for local or transnational actors to be involved in irregular migration whether as local or transnational smuggling networks, or as local NGOs or international organisations. Globalization has been the buzzword of the last three decades, so widely used by such a wide range of actors that it often remains too vague and elusive to translate into meaningful content. On the other hand, migration is lately discussed in relation to globalization; yet, little empirical evidence to date clarifies precisely the relationship between the two (King 1995; Castles 2000; Urzua 2000; Tapinos 2000; Stalker 2000; Papastergiadis 2000; Koser 2007; Castles and Miller 2009; Solimano 2010). It is therefore necessary to begin by offering some conceptual definitions of globalization and exploring its links with international migration.

Based upon the experiences and views of urban dwellers in Rio de Janeiro, who arrived in the last 10 years from West Africa and Southern Europe, this project investigates how they relate to their new surroundings and become part of an urban population that is culturally diverse and socially stratified in complex and historically laden ways. I ask how they find a place in the city and how they see their own position relative to other urban dwellers. An important aspect is their ability to compare to the experiences made in the places they grew up in and passed through. Also, they contextualise their current experience with their imaginations and hopes for the future. I investigate this evaluation process with ethnographic methods, mainly participant observation, open-ended interviews and a mobile phone app with which my interlocutors document and share their experiences and reflections. I shift perspectives on urban socialities in a rapidly changing city in the global south by way of inquiring into the most recent migration movements. Methods and concepts I investigate this evaluation process with ethnographic methods, mainly participant observation, open-ended interviews and a mobile phone app with which my interlocutors document and share their experiences and reflections. I shift perspectives on urban socialities in a rapidly changing city in the global south by way of inquiring into the most recent migration movements. Outcomes and societal relevance I will gain insights into: 1) how people compare to make sense of their lives and that of others and how this advances the anthropological study and theory of comparison; 2) how newly arrived urban dwellers occupy and change between various social statuses which they uneasily relate to notions of global privilege and solidarities; and 3) how the city is bewilderingly multiple, but in which people of all walk of life still somehow live-together.

The majority of the Skill Matching mechanisms relating to India EU migration do not provide the full functions that the commercial Skill Matching model seeks to offer. Only commercial Skill Matching can really be regarded as a model that is intentional, sophisticated and leading best practice in the field and that is aiding the matching of skills and jobs from India to the EU. The commercial Skill Matching predominately serves, however, the high skilled and professional migrant. Whilst leading global recruitment companies practice the model worldwide, the size of practice relative to the size of the market is small and only begins to scratch the surface in comparison to the force and size of the market driving mechanism influencing Indian labour migration to the EU. Consequently, both semi-skilled and un/low-skilled migrants generally fail to benefit from such mechanisms of leading Skill Matching. They therefore rely on Skill Matching practices that are indirect or unintentional in their nature. However, even where perfectly organized Skill Matching channels are not in place, market mechanisms and immigration selection systems have had a tendency to create some of the same dimensions that an intentional Skill Matching model comprises. There is a demand particularly for medium skills in Europe and governments globally are beginning to recognize the gap of a Skill Matching mechanism for this skill category of migrants by taking action through the creation of mechanisms with partners such as the private sector to facilitate intentional Skill Matching, however, this work is just beginning to take momentum and substantial work remains.

The objective of the Report is to provide an analysis of the current and expected macroeconomic and financial conditions at the global level, with also a focus on key economic areas such as Europe, the USA and ASIA. In Q2 2015, Eurozone’s aggregate income grew by 0.3% compared to the previous period, one tenth below expected, growing however for the ninth consecutive quarter. The figure is slightly lower than in the previous period (+0.4%). On an annualised basis, income has accelerated at +1.2% (from +1.0%), the highest annual rate since Q3 2011. The ongoing improving trend in the job market continued during the summer months. The leading indicator on employment conditions is still in expansive territory, close to four-year highs. August preliminary estimates point to a stable inflation rate at 0.2%, as in the previous month, in positive territory for the fourth consecutive month and in line with forecasts. Also core inflation is stable at 1%, higher than consensus forecasts (+0.9%). Our forecasts are for a further moderate growth in the euro area, with inflation below the ECB target. For growth, we forecast 1.3% in 2015 and 1.7% in 2016, for inflation around zero in 2015 and 0.9% in 2016. Instead, for the USA we expect growth at 2.7% in 2015, 3.0% in 2016; inflation at 0.1% in 2015, 1.1% in 2016. In Japan, after Q2’s growth decrease, the expectations for the Government’s and BoJ’s intervention are increasing. The productive system suffers a stagnation of internal and external demand, due to China’s slowdown, Japan’s second commercial partner, coupled with domestic consumption weakness. In China, fears persist of a marked slowdown in economic activity, which would have negative effects on a global level, and in particular on emerging markets. On the other hand, there remains substantial space for expansionary fiscal and monetary policy. In this report we present a special focus on economic conditions in China and Japan.