Personal resources and migration experience

The study is a panel survey designed to study the complex causal mechanism of structural, social, and cultural integration of adolescents with migration background. The data of two waves are currently available. The data set includes surveys of students, parents, and teachers. It enables studying processes of intergenerational transmission and integration. Topics covered in the survey include cognitive-cultural integration, structural integration, social integration, emotional-cultural integration, and health and wellbeing. In addition there is detailed information about migration experience and demographics.

Migration ist in den letzten Jahrzehnten im Zuge der zunehmenden Globalisierung zu einem wichtigen Aspekt geworden. Für die meisten Migranten sind dabei Sprachkenntnisse von großer Bedeutung. Empirische Forschung zum Zusammenhang zwischen Sprachkenntnissen und Migration ist allerdings bisher auf Grund fehlender, qualitativ hochwertiger Daten nur beschränkt möglich. Insbesondere mangelt es an Informationen zu Spracherwerb, Sprachkenntnissen sowie Migrationsabsichten potentieller Migranten. Zudem ermöglicht ein besseres Verständnis der Sprachinvestitionen auch allgemeinere Erkenntnisse zum Zusammenhang von Bildungsinvestitionen und Migrationsentscheidungen.Unser Projekt baut auf drei zusammenhängenden Literatursträngen auf und erweitert diese: (1) Spracherwerb von Erwachsenen vor Migration, (2) (geschlechter-spezifische) Migrationsentscheidungen und (3) Investition in international anwendbare und länderspezifische Bildung im Zusammenhang mit Migrationsentscheidungen. Dazu sollen Befragungen von Sprachkursteilnehmern an Goethe-Instituten durchgeführt werden. Das Goethe-Institut ist ein wichtiger Anbieter von Deutsch-Kursen mit allein 272.000 Kursteilnehmern im Jahr 2015. Befragungen von Universitätsstudierenden sollen diese Befragungen komplementieren. Die Daten werden Informationen zu individuellen Migrationsabsichten und bisheriger Migrationserfahrung enthalten, zum Niveau der Sprachkenntnisse und den Gründen für das (Nicht-)Erlernen von Sprachen, sowie zum sozioökonomischen Hintergrund der Teilnehmer, insbesondere zu ihren Bildungsbiographien. Es sind vier Studien geplant: Die erste Studie wird sich mit den Gründen des Erwerbs von Sprachen im Heimatland und dessen Determinanten befassen. Die zweite Studie wird den Zusammenhang zwischen Migrationsabsichten auf der einen Seite und Sprachkenntnissen und individuellen und länderspezifischen Eigenschaften auf der anderen Seite untersuchen. Der Fokus auf Migrationsabsichten ermöglicht ein besseres Verständnis von Migrationsbarrieren als eine Betrachtung tatsächlicher Migration. In einer dritten Studie wird getestet, ob Migration mit der internationalen Anwendbarkeit der erworbenen Bildung zusammenhängt. Die vierte Studie zielt schließlich darauf ab, Investitionen in Sprachkenntnisse im Kontext geschlechtsspezifischer Migrationsabsichten zu verstehen. Die bedeutende Rolle von Sprachkenntnissen für die Integration von Migranten macht ein detailliertes Verständnis von individuellen Motiven des Spracherwerbs und Migrationsabsichten für die zielgenaue Gestaltung von Politikmaßnahmen bereits vor der Migration erforderlich. Beispiele dafür sind das Angebot von Sprachkursen und gesetzliche Anforderungen an Sprachkenntnissen.Dieses Projekt wird gemeinsam von der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena und dem ifo Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung an der Ludwig-Maximilian-Universität München durchgeführt.

Im Jahr 2005 wurden 17 Fragen zur Migration in die deutsche Repräsentativstatistik, den Mikrozensus, aufgenommen. Die bis dahin existierende Unterscheidung in Deutsche und Ausländer hatte zunehmend durch die wachsenden Gruppen Spätaussiedler_innen, Eingebürgerte und in Deutschland geborene Ausländer_innen ihre Aussagekraft bezüglich Zuwanderung verloren. Aus den Fragen zur Migration wird der Migrationshintergrund abgeleitet. Sie machen auch Nachfahren von Eingewanderten in der Repräsentativstatistik sichtbar, so dass sie seitdem zu den Personen mit Migrationshintergrund zählen, selbst wenn sie mit deutscher Staatsangehörigkeit in Deutschland geboren sind.Bisher existieren kaum Studien, die sich mit der Einführung, Umsetzung und Folgen der neuen statistischen Kategorie beschäftigen. Ausnahmen bilden Untersuchungen zur Nutzung des Begriffs Migrationshintergrund im medialen Diskurs (Scarvaglieri/Zech 2013) und im Bundestag (Elrick/Schwartzman 2015). Zur Verbindung von statistischer Kategorie und Alltag liegt bisher nur eine (noch) unveröffentlichte Dissertation vor (Lang 2015, 2017). Ein aktueller Beitrag thematisiert das Missverhältnis zwischen statistischem und offenbarem Migrationshintergrund (Bednaschewsky/Supik 2018).Um die Lücke zu schließen, beschäftigt sich das Projekt mit der Einführung und Herstellung des Unterscheidungsmerkmals Migrationshintergrund und erkundet seine Auswirkungen im Alltag. Das Vorhaben lässt sich an der Schnittstelle von vier Forschungsfeldern verorten. Dazu gehören: 1) die ethnologische Beschäftigung mit Klassifikationssystemen, 2) wissensanthropologische und postkoloniale Untersuchungen zur Verbindung von Wissenschaft, Politik und Alltag, 3) Science and Technology Studies und 4) Forschungen zu nationalen und ethnischen Zugehörigkeiten. Diese vier theoretischen Bezüge sollen durch fünf empirische Zugänge miteinander in Beziehung gesetzt werden.Vorgesehen sind a) Feldforschungen in statistischen Ämtern als Produktionsstätten von Klassifikationen, b) Interviews mit Parlamentarier_innen, Verantwortlichen in Ministerien und statistischen Ämtern zur Entstehung und Weiterentwicklung der Mikrozensusfragen, c) Überblick über Definitionen des Migrationshintergrundes in ausgewählten wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen, d) mental maps zu deutscher Zugehörigkeit und Herkunft, e) Interviews mit in Deutschland Geborenen, die der sogenannten Zweiten oder Dritten Zuwanderungsgeneration zugerechnet werden sowie Personen ohne Migrationshintergrund.Die Ergebnisse werden auf einem Workshop mit Wissenschaftler_innen in und außerhalb von statistischen Ämtern diskutiert, die die Kategorie Migrationshintergrund nutzen, um die Auswirkungen von Wissenschaft im Alltag zu thematisieren. Hiermit soll insbesondere der Anspruch einer kritisch involvierten Ethnografie eingelöst und zu einer Entmigrantisierung der Migrationsforschung beigetragen werden, indem zu einer stärkeren Reflexion statistisch generierter Personenklassifikationen angeregt wird.

"Schüler, Auszubildende und Studierende stellen heute einen wesentlichen Anteil der Migration zwischen hochentwickelten Staaten dar. Politisch und wissenschaftlich wird diese Entwicklung der wachsenden Mobilität der jungen und oftmals hochqualifizierten Bevölkerung äußerst ambivalent bewertet: Auf der einen Seite finden sich kritische Stimmen, die in der internationalen Migration dieser Bevölkerungsgruppen einen Verlust an Humankapital erkennen. Auf der anderen Seite haben sich Auslandsaufenthalte im Kontext von Globalisierung und Transnationalisierung zu einem wichtigen Kriterium für die Vergabe von Positionen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt entwickelt. Die individuellen Konsequenzen dieser neuen Form der Migration wurden bisher für einzelne Berufsgruppen analysiert, belastbare wissenschaftliche Analysen zur Frage, wie sich ein Auslandsaufenthalt zum Zwecke der Ausbildung auf den gesamten weiteren Lebensverlauf auswirkt, liegen bislang jedoch nicht vor. Es ist anzunehmen, dass sich die Migrationserfahrungen in der Jugend und im jungen Erwachsenenalter nicht nur auf den Erwerbsverlauf sondern auch auf andere Lebensbereiche wie beispielsweise Freundes- und Familiennetzwerke, Partnerwahl und Partnerschaft, das spätere Mobilitätsverhalten oder politische Einstellungen auswirken. Neben den individuellen spielen auch die gesellschaftlichen Konsequenzen der Bildungsmobilität eine Rolle. So stellt sich die Frage, ob sich Bildungsmigration zu einer neuen Dimension sozialer Ungleichheit entwickelt, indem diese Personen auf Ressourcen zurückgreifen können, die anderen nicht zur Verfügung stehen."

Assistert retur (tidligere kalt frivillig retur) er en søknadsbasert ordning der utreisepliktige kan få støtte til å reise hjem og etablere seg på nytt i hjemlandet. Det er bred enighet i forskningen og praksisfeltet om at assistert retur er den mest hensiktsmessige måten for utreisepliktige å returnere på. Assistert retur anses å være mer humant, mindre kontroversielt og mer kostnadseffektivt enn tvangsretur. Det er derfor en sentral ambisjon for myndighetene å føre en kunnskapsbasert politikk på feltet. I denne rapporten sammenstilles forskning relevant for det operative returarbeidet. På denne måten illustreres hva som i dag kan anses å være veldokumentert kunnskap, og hva som er mindre godt dekket i forskningen.

This project analyses how, why and to what effect governments at the EU, national and local level mainstream their migrant integration policies. It aims to promote a learning process in terms of policy coordination, practices and outcomes in the governance of migrant integration. It asks the central question ‘What are the obstacles and opportunities that mainstreaming generates in terms of migrant integration policies and outcomes?’. It aims to: UNDERSTAND WHY AND WHEN POLICIES ARE MAINSTREAMED: What is the policy rationale behind mainstreaming, and under what conditions does mainstreaming occur? ENHANCE UNDERSTANDING OF AND EXCHANGE LESSONS ON HOW TO MAINSTREAM POLICIES: What does it mean in terms of policy coordination? What does it mean in terms of policy practices? UNDERSTAND AND IMPROVE THE CONSEQUENCES OF MAINSTREAMING: What integration outcomes can be associated with mainstreaming? What are the consequences for specific (vulnerable) groups and for policy coordination? Mainstreaming is one of the key trends in the governance of integration that is taking place throughout Europe. The rationale is that adapting mainstream services to address the needs of the entire diverse population — including, but not limited to, immigrants – has the potential to build a more inclusive society and improve integration outcomes. Mainstream programmes may also garner more political and public support than programs targeted at specific groups, and respond to the challenges faced by government agencies with constrained financial resources. In this study we will look at various sorts of obstacles and opportunities that may occur in mainstreaming, in terms of the rationale of mainstreaming, how it is put into practice as well as its consequences in terms of integration outcomes. As migrant integration is a strongly multi-dimensional issue, we will focus on two specific areas of migrant integration policies: education and social cohesion The focus on these two areas enables an an in-depth analysis of how mainstreaming efforts have resorted to specific effects in terms of policy coordination, practices and outcomes. Furthermore, the project promotes the exchange of knowledge and experiences by bringing together policymakers from different countries and government levels. We conceive of exchange of knowledge and experiences as a continuous process throughout the project. This on-going exchange will promote mutual learning between stakeholders as well as mutual learning between the researchers and the stakeholders. Cases This project explores how the governance and effectiveness of integration measures is affected by mainstreaming at the EU, national and local level. Mainstreaming means embedding integration into generic policies for the entire population. Besides an EU case, five country cases are selected: the UK, Spain, the Netherlands, France and Poland. These are countries with different governance structures in the domain of integration, ranging from the highly centralized in France, to moderately decentralized in the Netherlands and strongly devolved in the UK. In addition, Spain and Poland as new immigration countries are developing migrant integration policies against a very different background, with many local (and regional) initiatives. The country cases involve an analysis of national policies and policies in two cities (one major and one medium-sized city). – EU level – The Netherlands (Rotterdam and Amsterdam) – The UK (London-Southwark and Bristol) – France (Lyon and Saint Denis) – Spain (Madrid and Barcelona) – Poland (Warsaw and Poznan)

The topic of this report is parenting and social control, with a particular focus on immigrant families from Pakistan, Somalia and Sri Lanka. The empirical analyses fall into three parts: A quantitative analysis of attitudes to gender roles, sexuality and relationships in immigrant families and the scope of parental restrictions, as well as analyses of the driving forces and development of social control. We ask questions about the attitudes that are found in various groups with regard to issues of gender roles and sexuality among adolescents. Furthermore, we identify those who are most at risk of being subject to strict parental restrictions, and what kinds of consequences these may entail for the life of young people. A qualitative analysis of the parents’ subjective concerns with regard to raising children and adolescents in Norway, based on individual and group interviews with parents. Here, we will focus on the parents’ perspectives and their experiences of and grounds for the way in which they exercise social control. A qualitative analysis of complexity and social change in family relationships in a migration context, based on interviews with parents, adolescents and young adults, as well as professionals in the assistance services. Here, we focus on the experiences of the young people and relationships within families, with a special emphasis on mechanisms of social change. Quantitative analyses of attitudes and social control Based on the adolescents’ assessments of their parents’ attitudes, we find that the parental generation from countries such as Pakistan, Somalia and Sri Lanka, as well as other immigrant groups from the global South, are far more conservative in issues concerning pre-marital sex, homosexuality and letting adolescents in upper secondary school age have boy-/girlfriends, when compared to the population in general. Attitudes to gender roles and sexuality are closely linked to religion—both the degree of religiosity and affiliation with specific religious communities have an effect. Muslim immigrants appear to be the most conservative, but other religious groups are also far more conservative in such issues than the general population. We also find major variations in attitudes between different groups among adolescents, but the young people tend to see themselves as considerably more liberal than their parents. A substantial minority within some immigrant groups reports what may be referred to as severe parental restrictions on their social life. For example, 29 per cent of all girls from a Pakistani background in the first year of upper secondary school in Oslo and Akershus report that it is very or fairly true that their parents object to them ‘being in the company of persons of the opposite gender in their leisure time with no adults present’. The degree of parental control is directly linked to the parents’ cultural orientation and degree of religious conviction. The more concerned the parents are to preserve the culture of their country of origin, the stronger the likelihood that the adolescents will be exposed to strict parental control. There is also a certain correlation with the parents’ socioeconomic status, but this effect is far weaker. Adolescents who receive good grades in school, however, tend to report fewer parental restrictions than peers with poorer school performance. Boys and girls tend to experience somewhat different forms of social control. While boys in fact more often report restrictions on being with friends, girls more frequently report that their parents object to them being with someone of the opposite gender without adult supervision. Among Muslims, girls report more parental restrictions than boys, whereas the opposite is the case in some other groups. We may assume that some boys have greater expectations regarding their own freedom and thus have a lower threshold for reporting parental restrictions. In addition, the qualitative interviews indicate that even though boys and girls may be subject to equally strict rules, violations made by girls are seen as far more serious. Adolescents who are born in Norway to immigrant parents are less exposed to parental restrictions than those who have immigrated themselves, and the degree of parental restrictions diminishes markedly in pace with increased length of residence in the family. This reduction in parental restrictions appears to also occur in families that retain a conservative attitude to adolescent gender roles and sexuality. The analyses indicate that parental restrictions have considerable consequences for the lives of young people. Reports of parental restrictions are associated with lower rates of participation in organised leisure activities and a higher likelihood of reporting mental afflictions and low self-esteem. Some young people appear to lead what may be termed ‘double lives’ in conflict with their parents’ wishes. For example, a considerable proportion of minority youths have a boy-/girlfriend, even though they believe that their parents would strongly disapprove of this. Parental perspectives on raising adolescents in a foreign culture In the second section of the empirical analyses we have attempted to give a voice to the generation of parents among immigrants from Pakistan, Somalia and Sri Lanka and their concerns linked to being a parent in Norway. We place special emphasis on older and relatively conservative parents, since they clearly articulate topics that to a greater or lesser extent are of concern for others as well. Many of the parents whom we interviewed report missing a larger social collective from which to seek support in raising children, and often feeling alone with the responsibility for the children. In their countries of origin, raising children tends to be more of a communal responsibility that involves the extended family, relatives and the local community, and where key norms are shared in all the different arenas that the children frequent. The loss of this community, the feeling of dissolution of family bonds and of being alone when facing a strange and foreign world were among the recurring topics in interviews with the parents. Some also express frustration over the fact that the children, in their opinion, fail to uphold the community norms that prevailed in their own youth. Individualism—often interpreted as egotism—and liberal attitudes to substance use and sexuality are perceived as especially threatening aspects of Norwegian society. In addition, some parents see that their traditional instruments for maintaining discipline and control, including corporal punishment, shared religious norms and support from the extended family, are unavailable here. Some therefore feel that they are unable to adequately exercise parental and social control. Some are also uncertain of what is considered acceptable in terms of setting boundaries for children in Norwegian society. Some parents feel that their religion, identity and culture are under pressure from the wider society. To some extent, this is a reflection of uncertainty and fear in the encounter with the unknown. However, this perception also reflects a real conflict between different ways of regulating social life: Should adolescents be regarded as citizens with independent rights and autonomy, or are their rights and duties primarily derived from their membership in a family collective with sovereign authority over its members? This conflict between a collectivist and religious family organisation on the one hand and secular-state individualism on the other is partly expressed in the form of an ambivalent relationship toward schools. Immigrant parents tend to have strongly positive attitudes to school and education, but in matters related to swimming lessons for boys and girls, summer camps, showering after PE classes etc. some parents feel that their wishes are being ignored. The state/family conflict emerges with particular clarity in the form of families’ fear of the child protection service, which some parents see as a constant threat and an invasion of the family’s sovereignty. The maintenance of traditional marriage institutions is perceived by many as the key to perpetuating family structure, faith and identity, and concern for the children’s future marriage is a main factor in the execution of social control. In the background lurks the fear of being sent to a nursing home, which for some is a symbol of the consequences should they fail to preserve traditional family structures. For some parents, there is thus a lot at stake in their parenting practices. There are major individual variations between different families and parents in all three groups with regard to the strength of these concerns. However, there are also systematic differences between the groups that are worth noting. The first difference concerns the ‘glue’ in the social networks that binds them together. Although the Pakistani, Somali and Tamil informants were all concerned with family dissolution as a result of migration, there were considerable differences with regard to their concrete social organisation. The Somali group stood out at one end of the scale, by having largely fragmented social networks and many families with dissolved family structures. As many as 6 out of 10 adolescents with a Somali background reported that they did not live with both parents together. The Tamil group with a background from Sri Lanka stood out at the other end, by having largely succeeded in reconstructing closely knit social networks that provide considerable support for individual families, organised within the framework of the Tamil diaspora movement. The second difference pertains to the perception of identity conflict. Some of the parents in both the Somali and Pakistani groups felt that, to some extent, their wish to perpetuate their cultural and religious identity conflicted with the intentions of the Norwegian state regarding their children. The Tamils were also concerned with preserving their own identity, but for them, this was a matter of language, rather than religion, and they far less frequently stated that this was antagonistic to their integration in the wider society. Inter-generational relations and social change The interviews with adolescents and young adults underscore the social complexity in relationships characterised by strong social control. Adolescents and parents are both part of networks and relationships in which many of the participants experience mutually incompatible demands and expectations—not only to their own lifestyle, but also in terms of how they should relate to that of others. It is thus not always so easy to identify those who exercise social control and those who are being controlled, since there are many—including parents, siblings and other relatives—who may feel that they are caught ‘between a rock and a hard place’, squeezed between the expectations of others. The way in which adolescents perceive being subject to strong social control will largely depend on their own attitudes and adaptations. For example, internalising the family’s expectations is one way to ensure avoidance of conflicts while being able to perceive autonomy and independence in daily life. Others choose to embrace a religious identity as a way to distance themselves from the family’s demands, while committing to a set of life rules that ensure acceptance and legitimacy. Some enter into conflict, in the form of breaking out and settling scores or fighting small everyday battles. Many live so-called ‘double lives’, shifting between varying expectations and demands in different arenas. However, one effect of such ‘double lives’ is that relationships become potentially vulnerable—the consequences are felt only when something ‘goes wrong’. Inter-generational conflicts in relationships characterised by strong social control cannot be understood only as value conflicts; they also take the form of negotiations, where various resources can be brought into the bargain. For many young people, however, conflicts of interest between different generations appear as internalised value conflicts, such as the parents’ concern regarding who will take care of them in their old age. We identify a number of social mechanisms that, over time, will bring about change in the direction of more liberal parenting practices. These are partly changes that follow from learning and adaptation, and partly changes that follow from conflicts. Over time, many families feel that their points of reference gradually change and the idealised images of the perfect family have a tendency to pale. In some communities, their notion of ‘scandal’ erodes, and the fear of what others might say loses some of its hold as time passes. Furthermore, many parents discover through trial and error that traditional authoritarian parenting styles function poorly in Norway. Many report that they have been ‘forced’ to change their methods in seeking to transfer their values to the children. In addition, we can see that the institutional frameworks in Norwegian society—which provide women and children with far better legal protection and access to resources—help give small and large internal family conflicts a different outcome than what would have been seen in the countries of origin. Increasing levels of education, especially among girls in the second generation, also help change the balance of power and the bargaining situation in ways that gradually change the rules of the game in the families. Religion plays an ambiguous role in these processes of change. Religion is the source of demands and restrictions related to gender segregation and chastity, and religious arguments lend weight and legitimacy to the execution of social control, with a conservative effect. At the same time, we can see that changes in family practices are accompanied by a more liberal and individualist interpretation of religion in the younger generation. For some, religiously based arguments may even provide a weighty case for liberation from the more culturally based expectations from the parents’ generation. The report is concluded with some reflections around the implications for policy-oriented work in this area.

Although a gap in educational performance of migrant children compared to children without a migration background is to be observed in most industrialized countries, it is particularly big in countries as Belgium, Germany, Austria and the Netherlands, as has been attested by the PISA-data. Social and ethnic segregation, which is particularly high in these educational systems, seems to be one of the important explanatory factors. The EQUOP project wanted to disentangle what are the crucial factors by which this high level of segregation impacts on unequal opportunities for immigrant children. Going beyond the classic composition effect model (looking at peer group effects, i.e. positive or negative influences of pupils on each other), this project wants to also examine the potential impact of differentiated teacher profiles on group performance. The project wishes to test the hypothesis that the link between school composition and educational performance is a (partly) spurious effect, caused by mediating effect of teacher characteristics. We hypothesize that better skilled and more positively oriented teachers are overrepresented in schools with an 'easier' school population, while so-called 'difficult' schools (populated by working-class immigrant children) have difficulty in attracting and - especially - keeping competent and motivated staff. In order to examine this hypothesis a mixed methods approach were used, combining quantitative statistical analysis (on new and existing data, for instance multi-level analysis of the PISA-data set and other eligible datasets), qualitative case studies and focus groups. Secondary analysis of existing data-sets (PISA, TIMMS, PIRLS) was undertaken and new data was collected (taking the Flemish and Francophone educational systems in Belgium as case-studies). Many studies have highlighted that levels of educational attainment tend to be lower among immigrant children in Europe. However, the data also suggest that this poor performance does not only stem from the usual socio-economic factors associated with low attainment, but is also the result of school segregation, having an impact over and beyond individual characteristics. In the EQUOP project the main challenge was to not only document to what extent segregation is one of the main detrimental factors, but also investigate under what circumstances it can be attenuated. We find that some schools have a majority of pupils from immigrant backgrounds, while others will be almost entirely composed of non-immigrant children. But when we compare schools that have a similar pupil composition, still we find important discrepancies. Children in some do much better than children in others. We then investigated whether the characteristics of teachers and cohesion among staff can account for this difference. The EQUOP project looked at existing datasets of school composition and examination results, in combination with new longitudinal data which track students performances and their link with teacher attitudes and characteristics over time. The school composition effect is well documented: a concentration of pupils from lower socio-economic backgrounds often causes them to collectively underperform. Even if it is important to keep on documenting this in the most accurate ways, the novelty of the EQUOP project lies elsewhere. In the EQUOP project we examine whether, in highly segregated Belgian schools, the effect is reinforced or attenuated by the attitudes, policies and characteristics of individual schools and teachers themselves. With the help of ERC backing, the five-year project bridges gaps in literature by approaching the problem from a socio-economic perspective which looks at the education system as a quasi-competitive market. One of the important empirical results is that segregation should also be considered at classroom level, not just across schools. Future national and international studies must consider internal school policies that might enforce further segregation within the schools themselves. Another important conclusion is linked to the differential team characteristics in schools according to their position in the segregated system. Overall, currently schools with the most challenges do not tend to have the most stable and more experienced teacher teams. One of the systemic effects at play is the way in which novice teachers in Francophone Belgian state schools are assigned their first position. They are typically placed in a school in need, invariably one with a large proportion of pupils from immigrant and socio-economically marginalised backgrounds. These schools end up with a high proportion of less experienced teaching staff; and staff cohesion is low because new teachers tend to move soon after their initial posting. Even if this does not explain everything, this practice does clearly contribute to educational inequality in Belgium. Throughout the project, the EQUOP team has been in close contact with policy-makers in Belgium. Belgian governments wish to reduce the impact of segregation on educational opportunities and insights from the EQUOP project are informing debates on necessary reforms. The focus groups at the end of the project showed that sensitivity is important. As overall policy recommendation the EQUOP team therefore stresses the importance to keep in mind the ultimate goals of educational policy: “All stakeholders, pupils, teachers, parents, policy-makers and politicians need to first endorse a common objective (‘a good school for each child’) and then work to overcome the obstacles together. It is critical there is no finger of blame as this will just delay educational reform. Equal opportunities are key for society. We are wasting the talent of pupils who miss out on a good education. By not mobilising and using this talent, we are harming the viability of our society and our economic system.”

This report discusses the data gathered through two surveys carried out in the context of the SOGICA project. SOGICA – Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Claims of Asylum: A European human rights challenge – is a four-year (2016-2020) research project funded by the European Research Council (ERC) that explores the social and legal experiences of people across Europe claiming international protection on the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity (SOGI).

Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) have been part of the “Balkan route” for smuggling people, arms and drugs for decades, but also a migrant route for people who have been trying to reach Western Europe and the countries of the EU in order to save their lives and secure a future for themselves. While in 2015, when millions of people arrived in Europe over a short period of time, BiH was bypassed by mass movements, the situation started changing after the closure of the EU borders in 2016, and later on, in 2017, with the increase of violence and push backs in Croatia, and other countries at the EU borders. This report offers insight into the situation on the field: is there a system responsible for protection, security, and upholding fundamental human rights? What has the state response been like? What is the role of the international community?

1Résumé exécutifCe rapport vise à analyser la manière dont le Maroc et la Tunisie abordent la question de la réinsertion sociale et professionnelle des migrants de retour et à identifier les lacunes à combler. L’étude propose d’abord de cartographier à la fois les connaissances empiriques existantes et le phénomène dans les deux pays. À cette fin, des données primaires et secondaires, tant qualitatives que quantitatives, ont été collectées, en particulier au moyen de deux études empiriques - menées dans le cadre de deux missions de terrain au Maroc (fin octobre 2018) et en Tunisie (début novembre 2018) - permettant de recueillir dans chaque pays 13 entretiens semi-dirigés en face à face auprès des principaux acteurs institutionnels, des organisations internationales et des institutions des pays tiers, de la société civile, ainsi que des universités et des experts.Après une analyse détaillée des données collectées, il a été possible de procéder à une analyse comparative des stratégies des deux pays en matière de politiques de retour et de réintégration des citoyens migrants. Certains éléments se dégagent concernant ces programmes de réintégration, leurs forces, leurs faiblesses et leurs lacunes, ainsi que leur évaluation.En particulier, il convient de noter que dans les deux cas étudiés, le cadre institutionnel sur les questions de réintégration des migrants de retour est généralement peu développé en raison d’un intérêt politique très limité en ce sens. Les accords bilatéraux de protection sociale conclus avec les pays d’immigration des ressortissants des deux pays sont vraisemblablement le principal instrument dans les deux cas. Au Maroc, il existe quelques initiatives supplémentaires, notamment en termes d’investissements des migrants de retour, tandis qu’en Tunisie, la complexité de l’architecture gouvernementale après le printemps arabe a rendu difficile les progrès dans ce domaine. La fragmentation institutionnelle de l’expertise sur le terrain et la centralisation administrative jouent un rôle important pour expliquer l’absence de mécanismes spécifiques. Compte tenu du petit nombre d’initiatives nationales, il convient de mentionner un nombre important d’initiatives promues par les pays européens, l’UE, les ONG et les organisations internationales, qui sont étroitement liées à l’importance de la question du retour, tant volontaire que forcé, au niveau européen. Il est évident que cette question est particulièrement pertinente en Europe et que les acteurs européens ont une influence importante sur la mise en place de mécanismes de retour et de réintégration dans les deux pays.En ce qui concerne le type de programmes et de projets existants, il y a un déséquilibre entre les initiatives suivant la dichotomie entre les migrants de retour « de succès » et non volontaires : les premiers sont les principaux bénéficiaires des mesures existantes, les seconds ne sont pas considérés comme prioritaires. Il y a aussi des domaines de mesures de soutien pour la réinsertion oubliés : l’emploi et le développement des compétences, mais aussi le soutien psychosocial et la scolarisation des enfants, entre autres. Là encore, il est très difficile d’établir l’impact des initiatives existantes, tant endogènes qu’exogènes, étant donné l’insuffisance des activités de suivi et d’évaluation.En conclusion, un certain nombre de recommandations ad hoc ont été formulées pour appuyer le renforcement des initiatives existantes et l’élaboration de programmes de réintégration plus solides

This paper is based on empirical research performed in Catalonia in the framework of the international research project DiasporaLink, which analysedthe links between transnational diaspora entrepreneurship(TDE), migration and development. In this paper, we focus on the case of Moroccansimmigrants in Spain and especially in Catalonia, in order to understand the role that different actors play in fostering or not transnational entrepreneurship of Moroccan diaspora. In order to structure the field research, as well as the further analysis,we have defined three levels of action: a macro-level, a meso-level, and a micro-level. The methodology is based on a field research conducted through in-depth interviews with macro-and meso-level actors in Catalonia, complemented by a bibliographic research on existing political frameworksand initiatives facilitatingTDE activities.Our findings suggest that little TDE takes place between Morocco and Spain despite the countries’ geographical proximity.

Europe’s response to the so-called ‘migration crisis’ has been driven almost exclusively by a border control agenda. This has significantly reduced the number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece, for the time being at least, but has done nothing to address the drivers or causes of migration to Europe, including the movement of people from Libya which continues unabated, or the protection and integration needs of those who are already here. The research aims to: • Shed light on the dynamics (determinants, drivers and infrastructures) underpinning the recent unprecedented levels of migration across, and loss of life in, the Mediterranean; • Provide insights into the interaction of refugees and migrants with a multitude of non-State actors (for example smugglers, facilitators, and Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and State actors (for example, the navy / coastguard) in order to better understand their decision making processes; and • Explore how the decisions made by refugees and migrants on their journeys interact with dramatically changing global economic, security and political contexts.

In 2015 an estimated 1,011,712 people crossed the Mediterranean to Europe in search of safety and a better life. 3,770 are known to have died trying to make this journey1. Funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Department for International Development (DfID), the MEDMIG project examines the dynamics, determinants, drivers and infrastructures underpinning this recent migration across and loss of life in the Mediterranean. This research brief presents some of our findings in relation to the Central Mediterranean route from North Africa to Italy and Malta, exploring the dynamics of migration before, during and after the sea crossing. We will place particular focus on the motivations, routes and experiences of those making the journey and local, national and European Union (EU) policy responses.

Its main aims are to collect, document, organize, preserve, digitalize and disseminate various categories of material referring to the refugee and migration crisis in the Aegean Sea. The Repository also documents and promotes research by members of Greek and the international academic community. The Repository contains people's testimonies, diaries, published or un-published statistical and institutional records, articles originating in both print and digital formats, images, film and video. The primary and secondary material is collected and distributed by the Repository in accordance to copyright rules.

Drawing on a comprehensive analysis of migration-related humanitarian problems in the Turkish-Greek border region, this brief argues that civil society organisations (CSOs) have a key role to play in ameliorating the situation. Migrants and refugees clandestinely attempting to cross the Turkish-Greek border region suffer from a host of human rights violations. They are mistreated by smugglers, detained under intolerable conditions, and are at risk of being illegally pushed-back across the border to Turkey and deported. Since the actions of governments are at the core of the humanitarian problems, civil society organisations are virtually the only actors that can help to reduce the numbers of violations and to promote the humane treatment of migrants and refugees. However, the report shows that existing organisations in both Turkey and Greece are poorly positioned to take on such a role, as they lack staff and volunteers, access to funds and know-how. CSOs from regions that face fewer problems should thus support organisations active in the border region. CSOs should both assist and monitor state authorities. On the international level, local and international CSOs should continue to pressure European govern-ments to devise more constructive migration policies.