Antidiscrimination, 'race relations'

En France, comme dans la plupart des pays européens, les opinions publiques expriment une défiance croissante à l’égard des gouvernements : leur efficacité en matière de gestion des flux et d’intégration des migrants fait l’objet de questionnements quasi permanents dans les débats publics. L’objectif de ce projet est d’étudier les politiques d’immigration, d'intégration et de lutte contre les discriminations, d’analyser le contexte social de leur production, et d’évaluer leurs effets à la fois en termes d’efficacité (réalisation des objectifs affichés) et de conditions de vie pour les personnes concernées. L’ensemble de cet axe de recherche vise à interroger les relations entre mesures politiques et mesures statistiques. Ce projet-phare est adossé à plusieurs projets financés par l’Union Européenne et l’Agence nationale de la recherche : - le projet européen UPSTREAM analyse la stratégie des pouvoirs publics en matière de politique d’intégration, en étudiant particulièrement sa traduction dans les politiques sociales généralistes aux niveaux national et local. http://www.project- upstream.eu/ - le projet ANR Global-Race couvre les politiques de lutte contre les discriminations dans une approche comparative couvrant, en plus de la France, des pays d’Europe et d’Amérique du Nord. http://global-race.site.ined.fr/ - le projet européen TEMPER (Temporary vs. permanent migration) s’intéresse aux politiques de gestion des migrations, à travers (a) l’analyse des textes réglementaires régissant les migrations temporaires (en particulier étudiantes) dans trois pays européens (Espagne, France, et Grande-Bretagne) et (b) la production d’une base codée et textuelle de données sur les politiques migratoires en Espagne, en France, en Italie et en Grande-Bretagne (IMPOL). http://www.temperproject.eu/ - Le projet MAFE : http://mafeproject.site.ined.fr/ Le projet PolMig comprend quatre axes de recherche : - Le contexte social de la formation des politiques. - L’évaluation des politiques d’intégration et de lutte contre les discriminations - Les effets des politiques sur les trajectoires migratoires - Statut légal et trajectoires socio- économiques des migrants

The project focuses on the role of immigrant associations in combating discrimination. The project sets out from previous research indicating a need for a broader understanding of immigrant associations for the development of alternative strategies in education and the labor market, in order to advance the understanding of the conditions for partnerships between civil society, public and private sectors. The project examines partnership between public, private and voluntary actors through a qualitative study of Anti-Discrimination Agencies, (ADA) in Stockholm, run by immigrant associations. The efforts of the ADA to assist individuals who feel discriminated on the basis of gender, ethnic background etc., indicates the growing importance of ADA as actors in the field of social strategies for social inclusion. One of the preliminary findings indicates that activism among ADA as civil society organisations is based on delicate balancing between volunteer activism and adjustment to increasingly emphasized market exigency.

This project addresses the question of the interplay between norm building processes and form of policy governance. How do different governance legacies affect the way the antidiscrimination legislation or its requirements/arguments are used in/to motivate policies/policy measures, and which is the relative role of different societal actors/actor constellations - social partners, private sector actors and state agencies, - in promoting the mainstreaming of this legislation?

Cities Grow provides practical and relevant advice to cities and municipal leaders in Europe on how to address migrant integration challenges and develop effective integration and anti-discrimination strategies.

The aim of the paper is to address and analyze the process of integration of migrants and returnees into Ukrainian society while applying the following criteria, set by the Migration Integration Policy Index: anti-discrimination and equity; access to education, social benefits system and healthcare; employment opportunities; grade of execution of the right for a freedom of movement and choice of a free place of residence; level of legally-enforced mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing access to citizenship of Ukraine through the process of naturalization as well as various economic and socio-political rights and lawful interests.

In the framework of the EU-funded project CrossMigration, the Migration Policy group produced a set of indicators to comparative analyse migration and integration policies, similar to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX). The set of indicators allows researchers and policy makers to compare policies in different areas of migration and integration policies and different countries on that. To allow for a cross-country comparative and longitudinal analysis, the dataset included 39 countries (EU28 and other European countries) for 2014 and 2019. The indicators cover eight policy areas: Family reunion; Citizenship; Permanent residence; Labour market; Education; Political participation; Anti-discrimination; Health.

The project, coordinated by the King Baudouin Foundation, and the research, coordinated by the Migration Policy Group, involves ICMPD as evaluators of a recent survey of immigrants in seven European countries: Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, Hungary, Portugal and Spain. The "Immigrant Citizens Survey" asks legally resident third country nationals to assess their own needs and evaluate how these needs have and could be met by public interventions. The survey addresses several areas of integration: the labour market and recognition of qualifications, family life, security of residence, access to general services, education, civic participation, access to nationality, and anti-discrimination and profiling.

The book illustrates the results of the new edition of the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX). MIPEX is a unique tool which measures policies to integrate migrants in countries across five continents, including all EU Member States (including the UK), other European countries (Albania, Iceland, North Macedonia, Moldova, Norway, Serbia, Switzerland, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine), Asian countries (China, India, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, and South Korea), North American countries (Canada, Mexico and US), South American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile), and Australia and New Zealand in Oceania. MIPEX analyses integration policies in the following eight areas of integration: Labour market mobility; Family reunification; Education; Political participation; Permanent residence; Access to nationality; Anti-discrimination; and Health. To cite: Solano, Giacomo & Huddleston, Thomas (2020). Migrant Integration Policy Index 2020. Barcelona/ Brussels: CIDOB and MPG. ISBN: 978-84-92511-83-9

A number of researchers in recent years have focused on the changes in employment patterns within the media industry that have resulted in the decline of what was seen as relatively secure full-time employment substituted by an increase in informal, temporary and freelance work, raising concerns about the increased precariousness of media work, with strengthened polarisation between core and peripheral jobs. Yet there has been very little research into the impact of these changes on the recruitment of migrant workers and on the cultural diversity of the workforce. -The main objectives of the study were (a) to examine the issue of workforce diversity in the European media, with specific reference to migrants; (b) to highlight the many aspects of the recruitment process which can pose barriers to those outside the mainstream of society; (c) to explore whether policies in relation to anti-discrimination measures in recruitment were evident within the media sector and the extent to which they have improved employment opportunities for migrants; (d) to establish whether media companies adopted outreach schemes with the aim of recruiting migrant workers and whether they had monitored their implementation; and, (e) to ascertain the issues of discrimination in the industry. -There is no agreement in Europe on what constitutes the ‘economy of culture’, with the media being part of it. Economy of culture is defined for the purpose of this study in terms of David Throsby’s understanding of ‘cultural activities’, which are those characterised by creativity in their production and their output potentially embodies at least some form of intellectual property. When the creative sector enters into the production process of other economic sectors and provides the inputs for the production of non-cultural goods, the resulting activities are referred to as the ‘creative sector’.

With the Amsterdam Treaty and the increasing competence of the European Union in the field of migration, integration, anti-discrimination and asylum, the need for comparative data in this area has been increasingly recognised. The project compiles meta-information on statistical datasets on migration, integration and discrimination in 29 European countries (EU27 plus Norway and Switzerland). It builds on the earlier COMPSTAT project carried out under the 5th Framework Programme between 2001-2002, the FP6 project "Towards harmonised European Statistics on International Migration" (THESIM), completed in 2005 as well as ongoing research within the IMISCOE network. Objectives • To improve the quality of publicly available information on migration, integration and discrimination responding thus to the needs of researchers, policy makers and practitioners for more reliable, more systematic and more harmonized statistical data • To enhance comparability of statistical data and understanding of indicators Outcomes • Launch of a comprehensive online database containing descriptions of datasets relevant to the study of migration. • Analyses of the national data collection system in 29 European countries. • Detailed analysis of the availability, comparability, and the usability of statistical data in 12 thematic areas: 1) general demographic data; 2) migration flows; 3) legal status of immigrants; 4) citizenship; 5) political participation; 6) employment; 7) income 8) housing; 9) irregular migration; 10) education; 11) family and 12) health as well as in two cross-cutting thematic fields - integration and discrimination

The Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) is a unique tool which measures policies to integrate migrants. The MIPEX aims to address this by providing a comprehensive tool which can be used to assess, compare and improve integration policy. The index is a useful tool to evaluate and compare what governments are doing to promote the integration of migrants in all the countries analysed. The tool allows you to dig deep into the multiple factors that influence the integration of migrants into society and allows you to use the full MIPEX results to analyse and assess past and future changes in policy. The MIPEX includes 38 countries in order to provide a view of integration policies across a broad range of differing environments. Countries included are all EU Member States, Australia, Canada, Iceland, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, Turkey and the USA. 167 policy indicators have been developed to create a rich, multi-dimensional picture of migrants’ opportunities to participate in society. MIPEX addresses 8 policy areas of integration: Labour Market Mobility, Family Reunion, Education, Political Participation, Long-term Residence, Access to Nationality, Anti-discrimination and Health. Thanks to the relevance and rigor of its indicators, the MIPEX has been recognised as a common quick reference guide across Europe. Policymakers, NGOs, researchers, and European and international institutions are using its data not only to understand and compare national integration policies, but also to improve standards for equal treatment.

The Index addresses the factors shaping the granting of rights of individual equality and recognition of cultural differences by nation-states to immigrants. The index considers rights in the eight thematic fields of nationality acquisition, family reunification, expulsion, anti-discrimination, public-sector employment for non-nationals, political rights for non-nationals, cultural rights in education, as well as other cultural and religious rights. Theoretically, these rights for immigrants are classified according to two dimensions that partly cross-cut the eight thematic fields. The first dimension captures the inclusiveness of a country's understanding of citizenship. The second dimension shows how countries deal with cultural and religious diversity. The index is based on 44 policy indicators, 21 pertaining to the individual equality dimension and 23 to the cultural difference dimension. All indicators are coded on a scale running from -1 (most restrictive) to +1 (most inclusive), and the same, therefore, also holds for the averaged scores. The project is based on original data drawn from policy documents, legal texts, secondary literature, internet websites, and expert information. The qualitative information from these sources is transformed into ordinal codes, classifying policies as more or less restrictive in terms of the extent and accessibility of rights for immigrants. In the first phase of the project data have been gathered for ten North-Western European countries for four measurement years: 1980, 1990, 2002, and 2008. In a second phase, data was collected for four classical anglo-saxon settler countries as well as for additional Eastern and Southern European countries, Middle Eastern, East Asian, African and South American countries. As a result, data is now available for 29 countries for the year 2008.

"Around the world, educators, policy makers, profit- and non-profit-based organizations and governments implement intergroup contact interventions to overcome prejudice. These “people-to-people” encounters rarely happen in a vacuum. To the contrary, they often occur in the middle of heated public debates, and sometimes even during or in the aftermath of wars. Allport recognized the importance of the context of intergroup contact interventions as early as 1954 when he postulated authority approval as one of the conditions for optimal intergroup contact. Yet, more than 60 years later, we still do not know whether authority approval or disapproval causes positive or negative bias in intergroup interactions. Very little previous research has investigated if and how an authority’s position on intergroup relations troubles or improves one-on-one especially if the contact experience itself is negative. When discussing the need for anti-discrimination laws, Allport deviated from most of his contemporaries who believed in the primacy of individuals over laws as sources of prejudice and hate. He proposed that “stateways” (the position of governmental and non-governmental authorities) and “folkways” (individual levels of prejudice and stereotyping) interact (Allport, 1979). The current research puts this idea to a rigorous empirical test. We completed one survey experiment taking the form of a 2 (authority disapproval: salient versus not salient) X 2 (intergroup contact: positive versus negative) design. The experiment took place in a region where authority approval of the presence, safety and equality of low status groups is low (the US state of Arizona). For outcomes we measured discrimination and negative attitudes towards Latinos. We selected Arizona immigration laws as our authority disapproval case for two reasons: First, to stay close to Allport’s original writing we focus on restrictive laws as authorities. Second, based on the Immigration Climate Index (Pham & Pham, 2014) Arizona ranked last among all US states in terms of friendliness of climate with regards to immigrants’ daily lives. Our main hypothesis is that intergroup contact and salience of authority disapproval interact to predict discrimination. The highest level of discrimination should occur when a contact experience is negative and authority disapproval salient, the lowest level should occur when a contact experience is positive and authority disapproval not salient. We also plan to investigate the role of a few interesting moderators (authoritarianism, political orientation, support for current governor, local pride etc.). As a next step, we plan to analyze our results and then replicate the experiment in California, the state that ranked first in terms of friendliness of climate."

This paper reviews the comparative multi-level quantitative research on the links between integration policies, the integration situation of immigrants and a wide range of individual and contextual factors. Twenty-one reviewed studies and additional supporting articles indicate that a number of individual and contextual variables explain most of the variation between countries in terms of immigrants’ labour market integration, educational attainment, naturalisation and political participation. Thanks to the use of MIPEX and similar indices, some evidence is emerging that certain integration policies can be related to the specific integration outcomes that they aim to address. So far, only certain general and targeted employment policies can be directly associated with better labour market outcomes for immigrants and a lower incidence of employment discrimination. More indirectly, facilitating naturalisation, a secure residence and a secure family life seems to have positive effects on boosting labour market outcomes for certain immigrants. In the area of employment, studies rarely focus on a specific policy or properly match it to its specific intended target group and outcome. In the area of education, the inclusiveness of the school and education system seems to matter most for immigrant and non-immigrant pupils. Although targeted immigrant education policies adopted at national level do not display consistent results across countries in terms of pupils’ tests scores, most studies conclude that inclusive schools and education systems are more successful when they also target the specific needs of immigrant pupils. Several studies on the acquisition of nationality find that naturalisation policies are perhaps the strongest determinant of the naturalisation rates for immigrants from developing countries. Further research can explore which specific elements of naturalisation policies most help or hinder naturalisation. The few studies on political participation find that targeted policies and the acquisition of nationality may boost participation rates for certain immigrant groups. The fact that studies find no link between the general integration policy (i.e. MIPEX overall score) and a specific labour market outcome (i.e. employment rates for foreign-born) does mean that no causal relationship exist between integration policies and outcomes across countries. Considering that this multi-level research is still in infancy, studies have great room for improvement in terms of their use of databases and methodological tools. A more robust methodological approach using new international datasets can better explore the nuanced links between policies and societal outcomes. Future research needs to pay greater attention to linking a specific integration policy with its actual target group and target outcomes. Studies must also take into account time-sensitive contextual factors and general policies. International surveys can improve their measurement of integration policy outcomes in terms of longterm residence, family reunification, anti-discrimination, language learning, and, to some extent, political participation.

"Theoretical background and objectives This project investigates the merits of different theoretical perspectives regarding the factors shaping the granting of rights of individual equality and recognition of cultural differences by nation-states to immigrants. The perspective of post-national citizenship (Jacobson 1997; Sassen 1998; Soysal 1994) emphasises the role of supranational authorities such as the European Union and the legal frameworks associated with them, which are said to increasingly constrain nation-states in implementing restrictive policies regarding immigrant and cultural minority rights. The perspective of democratic liberalism (Joppke 2007) also expects convergence between countries, at least among liberal-democratic ones, because of their self-commitment to fundamental principles of equality and protection of minorities. The courts in particular are viewed as upholding such principles, sometimes against restrictive ambitions of governments. A third perspective (Brubaker 1992; Koopmans et al. 2005) emphasises national path dependence and the resilience of national traditions of citizenship and national identity. This perspective therefore predicts no or limited convergence and does not lead us to expect a secular trend towards more inclusive rights. We analyse rights in the eight thematic fields of nationality acquisition, family reunification, expulsion, anti-discrimination, public-sector employment for non-nationals, political rights for non-nationals, cultural rights in education, as well as other cultural and religious rights. Theoretically, these rights for immigrants are classified according to two dimensions that partly cross-cut the eight thematic fields. The first dimension captures the inclusiveness of a country's understanding of citizenship by distinguishing countries where access to equal rights is difficult for immigrants from countries where immigrants can easily, and in the case of the second generation sometimes automatically, join the community of citizens. The second dimension shows how countries deal with cultural and religious diversity: the differences here range between those countries that are willing to recognise minority groups and adopt a pluralistic strategy by granting cultural and religious group rights, and those countries that are reluctant to recognise such groups, do not grant any specific rights but on the contrary require immigrants to assimilate to a dominant culture. Research design, data and methodology The project is based on original data drawn from policy documents, legal texts, secondary literature, internet websites, and expert information. The qualitative information from these sources is transformed into ordinal codes, classifying policies as more or less restrictive in terms of the extent and accessibility of rights for immigrants. Temporal trends in the means (as a measure of liberalisation) and cross-national standard deviations (as a measure of convergence) of policies are related by way of bivariate and multivariate regression analyses to explanatory variables such as EU membership, the strength and scope of judicial review, government incumbency of left-wing parties, and the electoral strength of right-wing populist parties. In the first phase of the project data have been gathered for ten North-Western European countries for four measurement years: 1980, 1990, 2002, and 2008. In a second phase, data was collected for four classical anglo-saxon settler countries as well as for additional Eastern and Southern European countries, Middle Eastern, East Asian, African and South American countries. As a result, data is now available for 29 countries for the year 2008. Findings First results for the ten European countries find little evidence for cross-national convergence and strong support for national path dependence. In most countries rights became more inclusive until 2002, but this trend was not universal (Denmark and France deviate) and stagnated or partly reversed in virtually all countries afterwards, in association with the rise of right-wing populist parties. EU membership, the scope of judicial review in a country, and left-wing government incumbency had no noticeable impact on trends and differences in citizenship rights. Our conclusion is that there is little support that supranational regulation or a common dynamic within liberal democracies produce convergence of citizenship rights for immigrants, which for the moment continue to be strongly divergent and shaped by national institutional and policy traditions. In a second step we study explanations for cross-national differences in granting citizenship rights to immigrants for 29 countries worldwide for the year 2008. We first test theories on immigrant rights across 29 countries from Europe, Africa, the Middle East, East Asia, Oceania, and the Americas, using our Indicators of Citizenship Rights for Immigrants (ICRI) data set. We focus on trajectories of nationhood and current institutional features to explain cross-national difference. We find that former colonial powers, former colonies that developed as settler countries, as well as democracies have been more likely to extend rights to immigrants. Strikingly, once we account for involvement in colonialism, we find no difference between supposedly “civic-nationalist” early nation-states and supposedly “ethnic-nationalist” latecomer nations, refuting a widely held belief in the literature on citizenship. We find no effect of a country’s degree of political globalization. We replicate these findings on a sample of 35 mainly European countries, using the migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX)."

El Toolkit contra el racismo, la xenofobia y otras formas de intolerancia dirigido a municipios, especialmente a policía de proximidad, es una herramienta práctica para prevenir, detectar y combatir el racismo, la xenofobia y otras formas de intolerancia que servirá a los agentes como guía y ayuda en su actuación contra estos fenómenos. Ha sido elaborado por la Policía Municipal de Madrid bajo la supervisión del OBERAXE y está enmarcado en el proyecto europeo Proximity que lidera España y del que forman parte Bulgaria, Estonia, Finlandia, Italia, Letonia, Portugal y Reino Unido en calidad de socios. El estudio comienza con un análisis preliminar introductorio al que sigue una descripción de los elementos organizativos del servicio policial, como su capacidad de decisión, organización y formas de evaluación de la problemática. A continuación se trata la formación y especialización de los agentes y se profundiza en el tratamiento de la víctima en las instalaciones de la policía. Por último, se aborda la coordinación policial con otros servicios públicos y organizaciones sociales.