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L’émigration libanaise, essentiellement caractérisée par son ancienneté, s’inscrit de nos jours dans un mouvement de mobilité à l’échelle mondiale. La crise financière internationale a impulsé un mouvement de retour des émigrés, surtout actifs, ayant subi plus directement l’impact de la crise. Cette migration de retour s’est soldée pour certains par un retour définitif, pour d’autres par un retour provisoire. Cette mobilité - très difficile à cerner en soi - n’a pas été recensée par des sources officielles et fiables. De nouvelles formes et caractéristiques liées à l’émigration se sont parallèlement développés ; plusieurs entreprises étrangères ou nationales ont engagé des Libanais pour travailler à partir du sol libanais pour l’étranger, soit par télétravail soit par de multiples missions en-dehors du Liban. Cette pratique a conduit à une augmentation importante de la mobilité des personnes et surtout des personnes qualifiées et instruites. Quant à l’immigration, il ressort de la période récente qu’elle s’accentue de la même manière avec une tendance vers une croissance significative de l’immigration de la main d’oeuvre asiatique. Abstract Lebanese emigration characterized, above all, by its long history, is today woven into global mobility patterns. The global financial crisis has triggered a movement of return migration, especially among active migrants, who have suffered under the impact of the crisis more directly. In some cases, people have returned for good, while in other cases their return is temporary. This kind of mobility – very difficult to define in itself – has not been recorded by official and reliable sources. In parallel, new forms and patterns of emigration have developed and several foreign and domestic firms have started to employ Lebanese people abroad, both through telecommuting or with repetitive missions outside Lebanon. This practice has led to a significant increase in the mobility of people especially among highly-skilled and educated individuals. As to immigration patterns, as before, there has been, in the last years, a rise in labor flows from Asia.

La présente étude porte sur la dimension genre de la migration en Mauritanie. Il y est d’abord question du poids relatif des hommes et des femmes dans les effectifs des migrants, mais aussi de la distribution selon le genre de différents indicateurs tels que le niveau d’instruction, la situation d’activité, la motivation à migrer, les revenus et les envois de fonds et ce, malgré l’insuffisance des données disponibles. Ainsi, les immigrées en Mauritanie représentent 48% de la population étrangère et sont actives à hauteur de 65,2%, contre 93% pour les migrants masculins, employées principalement dans des activités commerciales ou de services. Ces femmes viennent en Mauritanie à la recherche d’un emploi mieux rémunéré, ainsi que pour le regroupement familial. Quant aux Mauritaniennes résidant à l’étranger, on estime leur proportion à hauteur de 25% dans la zone OCDE, alors qu’elles représentent 53 à 54,5% parmi les réfugiés mauritaniens rapatriés au cours de ces deux dernières années en provenance du Sénégal. Les Mauritaniennes font montre d’une faible propension à migrer. Leur situation est encore négativement affectée par des taux de mariage précoces élevés parmi les filles (19% avant l’âge de 15 ans et 43% avant l’âge de 18 ans). Par contre, leur niveau de scolarisation est en progression et dépasse celui des garçons dans le cycle primaire. Leur participation au marché du travail en Mauritanie demeure encore faible avec un taux d’activité de 34,4% et un taux de chômage de 44% enregistré au titre de l’année 2008. Abstract The present study concerns the gender dimension of migration in Mauritania. The report deals, notwithstanding the weak data available, with the relative weight of men and women in terms of the number of migrants and also the distribution by gender of various indicators such as academic level, the economically-active population, the motivation to migrate, income and remittances. So, the migrant women in Mauritania represent 48% of the foreign population and 65.2% of these are employed, against 93% of migrant men, mainly in commercial activities or services. These women come to Mauritania looking for a better paid job as well as for opportunities for family entry and settlement. As for Mauritanian women living abroad, these stand at 25% of Mauritanian migrants in the OECD countries, while they represent 53% to 54.5% among the Mauritanian refugees repatriated these last two years from Senegal. Mauritanian women declare little interest in migrating. Their situation is still negatively affected by high rates of early marriage among girls (19% before 15 and 43% before 18 years of age). On the other hand, the percentage of girls in full-time education is on the rise and exceeds boys in the primary cycle. Female participation in the labour market in Mauritania is still low with an economically active population rate of 34.4% and an unemployment rate of 44% in 2008.

An intensive ongoing discussion marks the last decades the relationship between migration and development characterized by an alternation between pessimistic and optimistic responses to the effects of the potential link migration and development. Today, in a time that arguably the positive approach to the subject prevails, many countries portray their emigrants as “heroes” reinforcing the way towards development. In contribution to the discussion interrogating a link migration and development this paper presents a general overview of migration and development issues in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through the guidance of the empirical information regarding the migration and demographic background of this area, the history of the flow of remittances to this area and the Government policies regarding migration and Diaspora engagement, the paper attempts to offer an account of the current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina as the sending country and contribute to the emergence of further discussion and research in this area. The importance of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a significant case examining the impact of a link between migration and development is established in this paper in relation to the post-communist and post-war past and present transition periods influencing this area and the documented steady flow of emigration characterizing this area. Résumé Ces dernières décennies ont été traversées par un sujet fort de polémique se rapportant au lien entre migration et développement, à travers un balancement non arrêté entre pessimisme et optimisme quant au choix des réponses à apporter aux effets d’un lien incertain entre migration et développement. Aux termes de cette approche dite ‘heureuse’ de la migration, un ensemble d’Etats dressent le portrait de l’émigré acteur « héros » du défrichement de cette voie vers le développement. Cette analyse se propose, essentiellement, d’apporter une contribution substantielle aux discussions en cours portant sur le lien entre migration et développement sur la base d’une approche générale des questions se rapportant à la migration et au développement, et d’une étude de cas précis de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Partant des données empiriques migratoires et démographiques se rapportant à cette région, de l’histoire de la trajectoire des flux financiers vers cette zone, et des politiques conduites par le Gouvernement en matière de migration et d’engagement de la Diaspora, cet article se propose de dresser un tableau exhaustif de la situation très actuelle en Bosnie-Herzégovine identifiée comme pays d’origine, et de contribuer à l’émergence d’un véritable débat de fond et d’un travail de recherche substantiel. Le choix porté sur la Bosnie-Herzégovine - en vue de dresser cette analyse des conséquences ressortant du lien entre migration et développement - se justifie au regard des importants développements enregistrés entre la période postcommuniste et post-conflit, et l’actuelle transition pouvant précisément impacter cette zone géographique et les importants mouvements d’émigration régulière caractérisant aujourd’hui l’ensemble de cette zone.

This report covers socio-political developments in 2009 and 2010 related to migration from, or return to, the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), and also to the status of the Palestinian refugees, especially those residing in Lebanon. This report takes its data from the 2010 Migration’s Survey in the Palestinian Territory of the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS), as well as the Socio- Economic Survey of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, developed jointly by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and the American University of Beirut (AUB). The report conclude that emigration from the oPt will continue to be related with the political context and living conditions of the Palestinian people under the Israeli occupation. In addition, the Palestinian refugee problem will remains a central issue which, if not resolved on a just basis and in line with international law, will hamstring the peace process. Résumé Ce rapport couvre les développements sociopolitiques en 2009-2010 relatifs : d’une part, aux migrations de, ou de retour vers, les Territoires palestiniens occupés ; d’autre part, aux statuts des réfugiés palestiniens, en particulier ceux vivants au Liban. Ce rapport s’appuie principalement sur deux études : Migration’s Survey in the Palestinian Territory réalisée par le Bureau central palestinien de la statistique (PCBS) et Socio-Economic Survey of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon réalisée par l’UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) et l’Université américaine de Beyrouth (AUB). Ce rapport conclut que l’émigration depuis les Territoires palestiniens occupés est liée au contexte politique et aux conditions de vie des Palestiniens vivants sous occupation israélienne. De plus, la question des réfugiés palestiniens représente un problème central qui, s’il n’est pas réglé de façon juste, selon le droit international, handicape le processus de paix.

Le présent rapport a pour objet de décrire les solutions du droit tunisien en matière de traite de personnes et de trafic de migrants. Il tente de montrer qu’une différence importante existe entre les règles qui régissent le trafic de migrants et celles qui s’appliquent à la traite de personnes est à noter. En effet, un ensemble de facteurs permet d’expliquer l’importance et l’extrême sévérité de l’arsenal juridique que le droit tunisien comporte en matière de lutte contre le trafic de migrants : recrudescence incessante du phénomène des migrations clandestines à partir des côtes tunisiennes, pressions européennes et surtout italiennes importantes, engagements internationaux de la Tunisie… En revanche, la traite internationale de personnes ne fait pas l’objet d’une réglementation spécifique. Les autorités tunisiennes n’ont pas jugé nécessaire l’adoption de mesures supplémentaires à celles qui existent déjà au sein du droit tunisien. Plusieurs raisons pourraient expliquer le fait que la traite ne soit pas un phénomène très répandu en Tunisie : extrême sévérité dans le traitement des migrations clandestines, importance du quadrillage policier de la société, insuffisance de la protection juridique des étrangers,… Le droit tunisien comporte néanmoins un ensemble de règles qui condamnent la traite de personnes en soi, mais aussi les deux principaux phénomènes auxquels aboutit la traite des personnes : l’exploitation sexuelle et l’exploitation économique. La protection apportée par ces normes paraît cependant souvent insuffisante. La plupart des règles applicables relèvent du droit pénal. Mais d’autres branches du droit, comme le droit du travail, le droit administratif, les droits de l’homme ou encore la condition des étrangers régissent également les deux questions. Le présent rapport se divise en deux parties principales : une première partie expose les règles juridiques applicables aux auteurs de la traite des personnes et du trafic des migrants, et la seconde partie est relative à celles qui régissent ses victimes. Abstract This report sets out the solutions in Tunisian law against trafficking and smuggling. It attempts to show the important differences between rules applying to the smuggling of migrants and the rules applying to trafficking in persons. A series of factors explains the scope and the severity of the legal framework combating the smuggling of migrants: a continuous increase in clandestine migration from the Tunisian coasts, strong European and above all Italian pressure, international commitments… Strangely, there is no specific regulation against trafficking in persons. The Tunisian authorities have not found it necessary to adopt new rules here. Some reasons might explain why trafficking is not a widespread phenomenon in Tunisian: the severity of sanctions against clandestine migration, strict police control, insufficient protection of foreign nationals… Tunisian law does, however, contains rules which combat trafficking, including two phenomena connected to trafficking: economic exploitation and sexual exploitation. Nevertheless, the protection offered by these instruments does not seem sufficient. Most of the relevant rules are part of criminal law, but other domains of law, like labour law, administrative law, human-rights law and the status of foreign nationals also govern the two issues. The report is divided into two parts: the first part sets out the rules applying to persons charged with the felony of trafficking and smuggling, the second part presents the rules protecting victims.

Résumé La Syrie, comme les autres pays du Moyen Orient, découvre la nécessité de comprendre l'enjeu que représente la migration vers le pays et à partir de celui-ci. C'est à travers les divers textes de lois que cet enjeu se dessine, même si l'absence de statistiques claires en la matière ne permet pas une bonne compréhension de la situation migratoire.Les textes de loi qui réglementent l'émigration syrienne sont éparpillés entre plusieurs branches : droit constitutionnel, droit administratif, code de la famille, etc. et entre plusieurs sources : la constitution, les lois, décrets présidentiels, arrêtés ministériels, sans oublier les conventions multilatérales et bilatérales qui touchent aux droits des émigrés et auxquelles la Syrie est partie. On note l’absence en Syrie d'une loi générale sur la migration, qui prendrait en compte toutes les formes du phénomène : permanente, temporaire, masculine et féminine.Par ailleurs, les étrangers se trouvant en Syrie par centaines de milliers sont en majorité des réfugiés. Certains travaillent, le travail des domestiques étrangères étant dominant. Les dispositions juridiques réglementant le séjour ou le travail des étrangers en Syrie se trouvent également dans diverses sources, la constitution, le droit du travail, les circulaires et arrêtés administratifs. Abstract Syria, like other countries in the Middle East, is discovering the need to get to grips with the migration stakes to and from the territory. These stakes are there in the various legal texts, even if the lack of clear statistics in this field does not enable a good understanding of the migratory situation.The legal texts ruling Syrian emigration are divided among several fields, constitutional law, administrative law, family law, etc. These texts lie in the constitution, laws, presidential decrees, ministerial decisions, as well as in multilateral and bilateral conventions, which Syria has ratified, affecting the rights of emigrants that Syria. No general law on migration has been adopted in Syria addressing all forms of it : permanent, circular, male and female,…Besides, most of the hundreds of thousands of foreign nationals in Syria are refugees. Some of them work as domestics. The legal provisions for foreign nationals to stay and to work in Syria are also to be found in various sources including the constitution, the labour code and administrative decisions.

Le Maroc possède une législation nationale en matière de migration et il a adhéré aux principales conventions internationales relatives aux déplacements de population et aux droits humains. Diverses institutions spécialisées s’activent dans le domaine du droit de la migration et travaillent avec les migrants marocains et étrangers. En 2009 et 2010, il n’y a pas eu de grands développements dans le domaine du droit de la migration au Maroc. Ce droit est caractérisé par une certaine faille entre la théorie et la pratique. Les droits des migrants comportent certaines limites aussi bien en ce qui concerne les Marocains résidant à l’étranger que les étrangers immigrés dans le pays. Abstract Morocco has domestic legislation relating to migration and has also signed the most important international treaties concerning population movements and human rights. Various specialized institutions deal with migration law and work with migrants (emigrants and immigrants). In 2009 and 2010, there was no important development in the field of migration law. During this period, we can note though a discrepancy between theory and practice and some limits on migrants’ rights, for both Moroccans residing abroad and for immigrants living in Morocco.

Le Mali, trait d’union entre l’Afrique du Nord et l’Afrique subsaharienne, a toujours été un lieu de brassage de population. Il a également vu naître de grands empires dont la composition et la recomposition sont à l’origine d’une longue tradition migratoire. Cette tradition migratoire s’est développée au travers de trois étapes importantes : le commerce transsaharien, la traite atlantique et la période coloniale. Au départ, la migration était l’apanage de deux groupes : les Soninkés et les Peuls. Ces derniers avaient recours à une main d’œuvre saisonnière de remplacement, rémunérée avec l’argent envoyé par leurs migrants. Puis la migration s’est généralisée à l’ensemble des couches de la société par le fait même de son développement parmi les Soninkés et les Peuls. Elle s’est ensuite considérablement accrue sous l’effet conjugué de la détérioration des conditions de vie, de la pression démographique, et des mutations sociales, comme l’aspiration des jeunes et des femmes à davantage de liberté. Les actions visant à limiter les mouvements migratoires telles que la mise en œuvre de plans d’aménagement du territoire ou encore la création de pôles régionaux de développement, n’ont pas eu les effets escomptés, notamment parce que les ressources engagées n’étaient pas à la hauteur des objectifs. En réaffirmant récemment sa volonté d’intégrer les questions migratoires au cœur de sa stratégie de développement socio-économique, le gouvernement malien mise désormais sur le co-développement et défend une approche plus positive axée sur la migration légale et le soutien aux programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté. Abstract As a hyphen between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, Mali has long been a place of the meeting and mixing of populations. It was, indeed, the cradle of great empires whose creation and recreation stand at the beginning of a long migratory tradition. This migratory tradition went through three distinct stages: Trans-Saharan trade, Atlantic trade and, finally, the colonial period. At the beginning, migration was restricted to certain specific groups, the Soninke and Peulh. At home, labor shortages brought about by emigration were filled by seasonal immigrant workers, who were paid using money sent by migrants abroad. The migratory phenomenon though also began to touch other groups. It developed owing to a deterioration in living conditions, the result of the weak performance of the local economy and population increase in the context of a globalized world where young people and women also have expectations. Attempts to control migratory flows through, for example, the implementation of suitable programs and country planning and the creation of regional poles of development were under-resourced and did not have the desired effects. Today Mali is attempting to use the concept of co-development to bring about a more positive approach to migratory questions, particularly legal immigration, and poverty-fighting programs. In doing so it is affirming its political determination to use new structures, making migration part of socio-economic development.

This study attempts to shed light on the main characteristics of gender and migration from and to Jordan. As to immigration patterns, females account for an increasing proportion of foreign workers in Jordan. They come to cover labor shortages in low-skilled occupations where Jordanians do not wish to work, in the ‘personal and social services’ sector as well as in the Qualified Industrial Zones, where their importance is currently on the rise and where working conditions are unsatisfactory. The main sources of foreign female labor in Jordan are non-Arab Asian States, especially Indonesia, the Philippines and Sri Lanka. With respect to Jordanians abroad, in 2009 they were estimated at 350,000 individuals, of whom only 16.6% were females. Emigration from Jordan towards other Arab countries (i.e. the most important from a quantitative point of view) is supposed to take place under a temporary project, while emigrants directed towards North American countries, which represent, however, an important proportion of recent migrants, are more long-term oriented. In these latter countries, women, as well as men, tend to be highly-educated and are mainly employed in highly-skilled occupations. Moreover, an important part of this analysis is dedicated to the link between migration and education, which demands an analysis of foreign students in Jordan as well as of Jordanians studying abroad and raises important issues. Finally, the last section of the paper proposes some policy recommendations and in particular argues for new institutions dedicated to migration movements in order to give robust and reliable evidence on Jordanian migration patterns. / Cette étude se propose d’apporter un éclairage aux principales caractéristiques du lien existant entre genre et migration depuis et vers la Jordanie. Les femmes immigrées en Jordanie constituent une part croissante parmi les travailleurs étrangers dans le pays. Elles couvrent généralement des pénuries d’emplois peu qualifiés que les Jordaniens ne veulent eux-mêmes pas occupés, notamment dans le secteur ‘services sociaux et à la personne’ et dans les Zones Qualifiés Industriels, au sein desquels leur nombre croît aujourd’hui, et leurs conditions de travail restent insatisfaisantes. Les principaux flux de femmes travailleuses immigrées sont en provenance de pays non-arabes et asiatiques, en particulier de l’Indonésie, des Philippines et du Sri Lanka. La part des Jordaniens résidant à l’étranger est estimée, au titre de l’année 2009, à hauteur de 350 000 individus, incluant une proportion de 16,6% de femmes. Les principaux flux d’émigration à destination d’autres Etats arabes s’inscrivent, en principe, dans une stratégie à court terme, alors que les émigrants à destination de l’Amérique du Nord - lesquels représentent une importante proportion parmi l’émigration récente -, s’inscrivent dans un projet migratoire à plus long terme. S’agissant de ces dernières destinations et à l’instar des hommes, les femmes sont davantage issues de l’enseignement supérieur, et sont principalement employées dans des postes hautement qualifiés. En outre, un important segment de cette analyse sera consacré à l’analyse du lien existant entre migration et éducation - lequel part d’une enquête menée sur un échantillon d’étudiants étrangers résidents en Jordanie, et d’étudiants jordaniens résidant à l’étranger -, dont il conviendra de tirer un certain nombre de conclusions. Enfin, la dernière section de cette note énonce une série de recommandations et préconise, en particulier, le développement de nouvelles institutions consacrées à l’analyse des mouvements migratoires en vue de dresser un tableau plus compréhensif des caractéristiques de la migration jordanienne.

Le statut juridique de la femme a des conséquences sur l’émigration des Nigériennes. En fait, très peu de femmes au Niger émigrent à l’étranger pour y travailler car c’est une question d’hommes, l’émigration a toujours été masculine. En revanche, beaucoup de femmes d’origine étrangère viennent au Niger pour y travailler. La grande majorité de ces immigrantes travaillent dans le domaine de la domesticité où le travail est très peu rémunérateur et n’exige pas de qualification. A côté de ces immigrantes nous assistons depuis quelques années à l’apparition d’une migration féminine interne de travail constituée de jeunes nigériennes qui désertent les campagnes au profit des centres urbains. Il faut dire que la famine consécutive à des longues périodes de sécheresse et la pauvreté ambiante ont favorisé ces types de déplacement qui répondent en définitive à des stratégies de survie. Sur le plan juridique, il n’existe pratiquement pas de textes spécifiques à la migration féminine de travail, mais plutôt à la règlementation du travail des femmes en général et du travail domestique en particulier. Ce sont des textes fragmentaires et très discriminatoires qui ont besoin d’un toilettage conséquent et approprié, mais pour cela il faut une mobilisation des femmes et une réelle volonté politique. / The legal status of women has had an impact on the emigration of Niger women. Very few women from Niger actually emigrate abroad to work. Emigration has always been seen as a male activity. Nevertheless, many foreign women come to work in Niger. Most of them work as domestics, a low paid sector that needs no qualifications. Beside these immigrants, internal female migration has started up in the last years, with young Niger women leaving the countryside to live in urban centres. The starvation following long periods of dryness and general poverty have fostered these kinds of mobility which are essentially survival strategies. On the legal level, there is no specific text relating to female labour migration, but there are laws regulating female labour in general and domestic work in particular. These are partial and very discriminatory texts, which need important reforms and therefore demand women’s mobilisation and a real political will.

La migration féminine a connu un développement important au Maroc, surtout depuis la fin des années 1970 et plus particulièrement depuis les années 1990. Mais, malgré ce développement, l’intérêt académique porté à ce type de migration, et surtout aux aspects juridiques de cette migration, ne s’est manifesté que très récemment. Les femmes migrantes ne forment pas un groupe homogène. Elles sont de plusieurs types et ont des statuts juridiques divers : les émigrées et les immigrées, les nationales et les binationales, les régulières et les irrégulières, les migrantes volontaires et involontaires, les temporaires et les permanentes, les mineures et les adultes etc. Les droits de chacune d’elles dépendent de son statut juridique et aussi social : la condition socio juridique des Marocaines résidant à l’étranger n’est pas similaire à celles des femmes immigrées au Maroc. Mais, la protection juridique de toutes ces femmes connaît des limites et des lacunes. La plupart des migrantes rencontrent des situations complexes où s’imbriquent oppression subie en tant que femmes et celle subie en tant qu’étrangères. La migration a un impact sur les femmes qui font le déplacement et sur leurs droits mais aussi sur la condition socio juridique de certaines autres femmes qui ne migrent pas. C’est le cas des femmes qui restent dans le pays après le départ des hommes, les left behind, d’après la terminologie anglaise. La présente étude est une étude socio juridique qui essaie de confronter les textes à la pratique. Elle analyse tout d’abord la condition socio juridique des Marocaines résidant à l’étranger, puis ensuite celle des femmes immigrées au Maroc et enfin l’impact de la migration sur les femmes et sur leurs droits. L’étude concerne toutes les femmes migrantes et tous les droits. Toutes les femmes migrantes, qu’elles soient émigrées ou immigrées, migrantes volontaires ou involontaires, en situation régulières ou irrégulières, etc. Tous les droits : les droits dans le pays d’origine et dans le pays d’accueil ; les droits civils et politiques ; les droits économiques, sociaux et culturels ; le droit de la migration en général et le droit des réfugiés en particulier. / Female Migration has grown in Morocco since the late 1970s and especially since the 1990s. However, despite this evolution, it is only recently that scholars have started researching here and particularly the legal aspects of female migration. Migrant women are not a homogeneous group. There are different kinds with different legal statuses : emigrants and immigrants, citizens of one country and citizens of two or more countries, regular and irregular, forced and voluntary, temporary and permanent, minors and adults etc. The rights of each kind of migrant woman depend on her legal and social status. The socio-legal condition of Moroccan women residing abroad is not the same as that of immigrant women living in Morocco. But, not all these migrant women enjoy their complete rights. Most migrant women face oppression as women and as foreign nationals. Migration has an impact on women who move and on their rights, but also on the socio-legal condition of some women who do not move. This is the case, for instance, of some Moroccan women who stay behind after their men have left. This paper deals with the rights of migrant women and the practice of these rights. It analyses, first, the socio-legal condition of Moroccan women residing abroad, then, second, that of the immigrant women living in Morocco and, finally the impact of migration on women and on their rights.

What is the impact of counter-radicalization policies on multiculturalism and migrant membership in Europe? Many observers see state responses to homegrown terrorist threats as emphasizing assimilation in a way that marks the end of multiculturalism. This project argues instead that current anti-terror practices are producing an increased division of European societies along ethno-religious lines. Media and political discourse in European countries have announced the “end” of multiculturalism. The main reason behind this “backlash” being the need of fighting “homegrown terrorism”, a danger understood as linked to diaspora ghettoization and ethnic and religious separateness. In this sense, counter-radicalization policies and practices should be at the vanguard of an assimilationist and anti-multiculturalist turn. Yet is it the case? Several recent studies have shown that multicultural practices continue under different guises. Building on these findings, and through a comparison of Britain, France and the Netherlands, the project explores the hypothesis that counter-radicalization policies do not mark a return to assimilationist policies. Instead, through everyday practices of policing, they perpetuate and reinforce the ethno-religious division of national “communities”. The consequence of these policies is to remove fundamental questions about pluralism and citizenship from the political debate, casting them instead in the technical and depoliticized language of security. The proposed research is based on a discourse analysis of policy documents, in-depth qualitative interviews and ethnographic observation.

The Multiculturalism Policy Index assesses the government commitment to the multicultural accommodation of newcomers. It is designed to monitor the evolution of multicultural policies across 21 Western countries. The Multiculturalism Policy Index is distinctive in focusing exclusively on multicultural policies designed to recognize, accommodate and support the cultural differences of minority groups. To capture change over time, the Index provides all three indices at three points in time: 1980, 2000 and 2010. Multicultural Policy Index is based on eight indicators: (i) constitutional, legislative or parliamentary affirmation of multiculturalism, at the central and/or regional and municipal levels; (ii) the adoption of multiculturalism in school curriculum; (iii) the inclusion of ethnic representation/sensitivity in the mandate of public media or media licensing; (iv) exemptions from dress codes, either by statute or by court cases; (v) allowing of dual citizenship; (vi) the funding of ethnic group organizations to support cultural activities; (vii) the funding of bilingual education or mother-tongue instruction; (viii) affirmative action for disadvantaged immigrant groups On each indicator, countries are scored as 0 (no such policy), 0.5 (partial) or 1.0 (clear policy). The scores are then aggregated, with equal weighting for each area (‘recognition’ (Indicators 1–3), ‘accommodation’(Indicators 4–5) and ‘support’ (Indicators 6–8), and producing a country score ranging from 0 to 8.

Against the background of climate change, the study of environmentally induced displacement has become increasingly significant. Objectives • to provide a systematic review of the legal aspects of climate related displacement. • to analyse to what extent the current EU framework for immigration and asulum in general and the specific instruments in regard to asylum in particular already offer adequate responses to climate induced displacement. • to assess how the legal framework could evolve in order to provide an improved response to the phenomenon of climate refugees. • to clarify in which way such a modified legal framework can be rooted in the Lisbon Treaty. Outcomes The analysis reviews both the status quo as well as the possible evolution of the policy framework in place in order to arrive at more comprehensive responses to environmentally induced migration, while establishing the possible legal bases of different types of responses within the Treaty of Lisbon. • The first part of the study aims to develop a typology of environmentally induced migration which serves as a basis for identifying adequate policy responses, and in particular for different forms and dimensions of this phenomenon. • The second part focuses on a revision of the global debates on policy responses to environmentally induced displacement, which embeds the analysis of the European policy context in wider global policy debates and provides the framework under which the European policy framework is analysed. • The third and core part of the study looks at the policy framework in place at the level of the European Union to identify possible policy responses under the current EU policy framework that would address environmentally induced displacement as well as gaps and possible directions how this framework can evolve.

"Theoretical background and objectives There is a growing body of research that examines the relation between immigrants’ social capital and their labour market performance. More specifically, the difference between bonding and bridging social capital is addressed. The general conclusion is that social capital, especially that of the bridging type, contributes to a better position on the labour market. However, it is not clear to what extent this relation can be generalized to other European countries, or whether it is rather subject to contextual characteristics. In other words, it is not known to what extent macro-level determinants influence the returns to one’s individual social capital. To date, no cross-national study on the economic returns of immigrants’ social capital exits. The current proposal aims to carry out such a study. Secondly, an ongoing question in integration research is how ethnic minorities perform in the labour market in comparison to the native population. Such relative disadvantages are often referred to as ethnic penalties. Net ethnic penalties signal ethnic inequality and are often interpreted as evidence for discrimination (but see for a discussion Phalet & Heath 2010). Previous work shows that net penalties are considerable, both for the first and subsequent generations. A pressing question in migration studies is how features of the receiving society matter for the incorporation of immigrants and their descendants. This project contributes to the existing literature by empirically testing explanations for cross-national variation in ethnic penalties."

Family related migration has been a main mode of immigration into the EU over the past few decades. The EU’s Family Reunification Directive for third country nationals and their family members (IRL and UK failing to opt into same) aims to ensure the fair treatment of legally residing migrants from non-EU/EEA countries. Paragraph 4 of the Directive states that family reunification ‘helps to create sociocultural stability, facilitating the integration of third country nationals in the MS which also serves to promote economic and social cohesion’. Despite these aims, government discretion and wide interpretation have resulted in anomalies, unnecessary delays, discriminatory practices, many refusals and in cases, no independent appeals mechanisms for redress. Project aims Although there is a large body of knowledge on the legal framework for family reunification, the impact of legal and administrative rules on the actual reunification process and on the integration more generally remains under-researched. Before this background the project aims to study in depth a) the application of the respective laws in practice, b) the impact on family life and c) compliance with EU and Human Rights Standards. The research will consider how immigration law can present obstacles to or assist integration of third country nationals and their families. As a specific objective, the project will promote admission policies that favor integration. Outcomes The project covers seven countries (UK, IRE, AT, DE, BG, PT, NL). The outputs are based on empirical research on: • The legal and policy framework in the respective countries, • European and national case law, • The impact of regulations and policies on the admission of family members from third countries, • The impact of regulations and policies on the integration of third country nationals and their families. Project partners: Immigrant Council of Ireland, The Aire Centre, Centre for Migration Law Nijmegen, Johann Daniel Lawaetz Foundation Hamburg, High Commissioner for Immigration and Intercultural Dialogue Portugal (AICIDI), Institute for Legal Studies Bulgaria, International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD)

EUMAGINE is a collaborative European research project aimed at investigating the impact of perceptions of human rights and democracy on migration aspirations and decisions. Project description The EUMAGINE project aims to study how Europe is perceived from outside the EU, and how these perceptions affect migration aspirations and decisions. The project focuses on how people’s perceptions on democracy and human rights – in relation to their regions and countries of origin as well as places abroad – affect their perceptions on and attitudes to migration. We are also interested in investigating how perceptions on human rights and democracy interact with other determinants of migration aspirations, to what extent migration is perceived as a valuable life project, and how potential migrants compare Europe to other migration destinations. EUMAGINE studies migration-related perceptions among people aged 18-39 in four countries of origin and transit: Morocco, Senegal, Turkey and Ukraine. Conceptual framework The theoretical starting point for the project is two-fold: First, we assume that different types of discourses on human rights and democracy influence how individuals in countries of origin and transit perceive issues of human rights and democracy. Secondly, we expect that individuals’ perceptions in turn influence their migratory aspirations and decisions. The EUMAGINE project explores two types of imaginations: “migratory imaginations” and “geographical imaginations.” The term “migratory imaginations” refers to people’s attitude to migration as a valuable life project. Migration-related perceptions and aspirations develop within a specific cultural, political-juridical and economic setting, known as the “emigration environment.” Migration aspirations are linked with socially and culturally constructed perceptions. These include ideas and meanings attached to the migration project, subjective images of one’s current environment, and thoughts about potential destinations. We assume that perceptions on human rights and democracy have an impact on what Massey (1998) has termed “cultures of emigration,” where migration becomes deeply rooted into people’s behavioral repertoires. By “geographical imaginations” we refer to the meanings and images that make up people’s subjective conception of particular places, including Europe. We assume that migratory and geographical imaginations are influenced by different types of discourses: macro-level discourses (e.g. from policy and media sources) and meso-level discourses, (e.g. disseminated through popular culture and social networks). We also expect migratory and geographical imaginations to be shaped by individual-level factors, such as gender or age. Research questions The project is informed by five overarching research questions: 1) How are human rights and democracy related to imaginations in migrant sending countries constructed? 2) How are perceptions on human rights, democracy, migration and possible destination countries affected by various factors? 3) How do perceptions on human rights and democracy and ‘geographical imaginations’ relate to migration aspirations and migration? 4) How to develop a better informed migration policy, taking into account human rights and democracy as important migration determinants? 5) How to contribute to local capacity building in source countries, in order to prepare the ground for locally based research initiatives in the future? Methodology The project systematically analyzes migration aspirations and decisions, following a case-study approach: it compares and contrasts a diversity of important international emigration countries; various types of regions within these countries; several modes of migration; various types of influential discourses; and different profiles of potential migrants. This allows the project to make analytical generalizations about how migration-related perceptions, aspirations and decisions are formed. EUMAGINE has a multidisciplinary approach and combines the varied disciplinary background of its researchers: sociology, law, anthropology, economics, human geography and political science. The field research follows a mixed-method approach with three main methodological components: 1) ethnographic fieldwork in the community, 2) a large-scale quantitative survey, and 3) semi-structured qualitative interviews with selected survey respondents, directed by an interview guide. The research uses between- as well as within-method triangulation. Between-method triangulation is reached through combining qualitative as well as quantitative research methodologies. For within-method triangulation, we use two types of qualitative research, namely in-depth interviews and observation in communities. In each country, fieldwork is undertaken in four diverse regions, selected on the basis of the following model: 1) An area characterized by high emigration rates; 2) A second, comparable socio-economic area with low emigration; 3) A comparable area with a strong immigration history; and 4) A location with a specific human rights situation.

The research study "ICT to support the everyday life integration of immigrants or ethnic minority people (IEM)" (ConnectIEM) which was co-funded by JRC-IPTS and DG INFSO, European Commission. The following external research teams collaborated in the study: the Migration and Network Society Programme (MNS) hosted by the Internet Interdisciplinary Institute (IN3) of the Open University of Catalonia (UOC), the Technological and Social Change Group (TASCHA) hosted by the University of Washington, and a network of local researchers based in the target countries. The study gathered through an on-line survey statistically representative and comparable cross-country data on the ICT skills, access and usage of “connected migrants” from the main migration groups living in 8 EU Member States. It then explored the relationship between internet usage and integration processes and developed evidence-based policy options.

Mediation of Migration maps news on migration. We explore their typical form and content, how they are produced and what impacts they have on public opinion and politics. We further compare the Norwegian coverage of immigration with corresponding news in France and USA. The comparative part of the study provides a contrasting background for the Norwegian case, allowing a grasp both of the particular and the typical traits of the Norwegian mediated debate. Finally we examine the role of the news media in the loops of information between Diasporas in Norway and networks in sending countries of migrants, adding to the knowledge of migration flows and the globalization of information.

Using the latest statistical data from six GCC states and recent publications of the GCC Secretariat, a detailed profile is presented of immigration and employment across the region. Evaluation is made of the available data sources (listed in the appendix) and the actual extent of immigrant presence in both population and labour market is critically examined. Employment according to public/private sector, and also for fifteen economic sectors, is shown for each country (where available) by citizenship type and gender. Previously unpublished indicators, such as unemployment and participation rates, are calculated where possible by citizenship type, gender and age groups; a few countries provide data on actual nationalities or regional groupings of foreign employees, and these are reproduced here. Previously neglected issues that receive some attention are foreign births, family presence, foreign schoolchildren and duration of residence (the latter available only for the UAE). The emergence of the kafala system is examined in historical context; in particular, emphasis is placed on its role in promoting irregularities in the migration, residence and employment of foreigners across the GCC. Trends in government policies are described, including the recent and significant doubts in some countries about the ability of the kafala system to produce satisfactory outcomes. Some attention is paid to the important policies of nationalization’ of GCC labour markets: a conceptual categorization of such policies is made, according to five different policy objectives. Using both the broad and more detailed sectoral employment data previously presented, evaluation is then made of the degree of success of each country’s initiatives in this area. The paper concludes with an exposition of the commonalities and differences across the GCC in managing their labour markets and immigration. The structural specificities of each country are outlined, along with tentative prognoses of their future needs for immigrant workers.

This research examines the religious and political ties between 'official' Iran and UK-based Muslim communities. Based on a case study of Iran's institutional presence in the UK that will discuss its multifaceted religious, educational, and political programmes for coreligionists, it seeks to analyse how the Islamic Republic transfers, negotiates, and reformulates its norms and values transnationally. The British scene offers an interesting case study primarily because it is host to many Sunni and Shi‘i Muslims from different ethnic and national backgrounds, communities to which the Islamic Republic of Iran has paid particular attention from the 1980s onwards. Looking specifically at the effect of transnationalism on the state, this research will analyse the Islamic Republic’s use of cross-border activism as a soft power resource. In general terms, Iran’s transnational interactions with Muslim communities have mainly been studied with regard to Islamic political movements in Arab and Central Asian countries, while its reach to coreligionists living away from their country of origin has largely been overlooked in the literature. Yet, Iran’s involvement in the lives of Muslim migrants, refugees, and exiles is characteristic of its quest for religious and political leadership outside the country’s borders and, I argue, has much to say about the use of religion to advance state interests. As such, the benefits of state-sponsored transnationalism cannot only consider the direct ties Iran creates and maintains with Muslim believers, but also its relations with both their country of origin and the state hosting them (namely the UK), as well as with other transnational actors involved in transnational activities on the British scene.