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The aim of the paper is to prioritise the missing side of European migration governance, that is its approach to emigration and diaspora. In order to fill the research gap and to start building a coherent knowledge base on emigration and diaspora policies in the EU, it proposes the mapping of the national responses to emigration over the last four years (mostly overlapping with the economic crisis and post-accession mobility). In this context it tackles two main questions. First, what do we know about emigration from the EU – who migrates and to where? Second, what are the main categories of response of the EU Member States to emigration? In other words, how can we categorize the existing European emigration and diaspora policies? The paper is based on commissioned reports written by 28 EU country correspondents provided in the framework of the project Carim East.

Turkey has many expatriate communities abroad, as well as communities of various origins, whose members reside within its borders and feel connected to other states or regions. Many of these communities have been ignored or eyed with suspi-cion by the modern Turkish nation-state since its inception in the 1920s. It is only recently that Turkey has “discovered” its people abroad and the diaspora communities within, a discovery that appears to be causally connected with Turkey’s rising ambitions and ‘soft power’ capabilities. Under the Justice and Development Party, efforts for a concerted dias-pora policy have reached a peak with the creation of the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities in 2010. This report deals with the Presidency, its goals and capacities, its role within the larger context of Turkey’s foreign policy and its desired and actual impacts on Turkey’s diaspora communities.Is this a “new diaspora policy” geared towards increasing Turkish influence abroad or an attempt to improve the quality of life of Turkish citizens often experiencing discrimination in Western European countries? Or is it an example of constructive foreign policy and diaspora building among a disparate group of people, most of whom have only very little in common? Based on qualita-tive field research in the Presidency, this paper argues that Turkey’s new diaspora policy combines all of these different approaches. This openness and flexibility is a great strength, even though significant political challenges await Turkey’s diaspora policies, precisely because it is still very much in the process of assembly. That said, this first stage in the making of Turkey’s diaspora policy is a perfect time to discuss its direction and suggest ways to make it more inclusive and internationally respected. This is all the more important as Turks abroad are likely to experience more discrimination in a European Union increasingly influenced by racist and Islamo-phobic political parties, while the contestations over the hundredth anniversary of the Armenian geno-cide in 2015 will add new stress to inter-community relations between Turks, Kurds and Armenians abroad. An inclusive and post-nationalist diaspora policy would be an important remedy to both of these challenges.

Die Studie „International Mobil“ wurde vom BiB gemeinsam mit dem SVR-Forschungsbereich und der Universität Duisburg-Essen durchgeführt. Die Untersuchung schlägt einen innovativen Weg zur Erforschung der internationalen Mobilität deutscher Staatsangehöriger ein, indem sie sowohl das Wanderungsverhalten von deutschen Staatsangehörigen, die von Deutschland ins Ausland ziehen (Auswanderer), als auch von deutschen Staatsangehörigen, die nach einer gewissen Zeit im Ausland zurück nach Deutschland kehren (Rückwanderer) erfasst. Insgesamt konnten 2014 für die Befragung 1.700 Personen gewonnen werden, darunter knapp 800 Auswanderer weltweit und rund 900 Rückwanderer in Deutschland. Die Stichprobenziehung erfolgte auf Basis des Einwohnermelderegisters der Gemeinde, in der die Personen zuletzt gemeldet waren, beziehungsweise aktuell gemeldet sind. Die Datendokumentation bietet den Datennutzerinnen und Datennutzern sowie allen Interessierten eine detaillierte Beschreibung der Konzeption und Durchführung der Befragung der international mobilen Bevölkerungsgruppe. Die Publikation dokumentiert neben dem Forschungsdesign und dem Stichprobenverfahren unter anderem das Erhebungsinstrument, den Erhebungsmodus sowie den Feldverlauf der Befragung. Darüber hinaus werden Analysen zur Datenqualität und zur Machbarkeit des Forschungsdesigns dargestellt. Die Daten des Surveys „International Mobil“ können bei GESIS unter der Studiennummer 6767 für sozialwissenschaftliche Auswertungen angefordert werden.

This project proposal EARLY WARNING FOR INCREASED SITUATIONAL AWARENESS (EWISA) is addressing the FP7 Theme for Security Research the work programme topic SEC-2013.3.2-1 Pre-Operational Validation (POV) on land borders, the topic Area 10.3.2 Land borders as is aimed to promote further cooperation between public authorities as the end-users on developing new solutions to improve the quality and efficiency of public services related to security issues on topics of common European interest. The proposal is in the area of Activity 10.3, regarding the Intelligent Surveillance and Border Security with the specific funding scheme Pre-Operational Validation (POV), a Combination of Collaborative Project and Coordination (CP-CSA) and Support Action. The project implements the actual strategic approach of Frontex, expressed in EuroSur , through which an intelligence picture of possible threats against MS is obtained, picture created outside the MS and Schengen area, through the combination of radar pictures with video pictures and with the intelligence collected from the sensor stations together with the ones from the MS partners, from checked sources. The threats which are subject to analysis in this project are the following: a) illegal migration, b) smuggling, c) trafficking in drugs and forbidden materials, d) trafficking in weapons The project will provide not only the assessment of a stand-alone technology, but also assessment of the integration into current surveillance infrastructure of the new capabilities provided by the industry. The objective is to increase intelligence in video surveillance. The approach is a process like entity, which consists of: • camera-specific processes • a modular implementation of successive analysis layers, which is applied for optimal situational awareness: chaining, motion, figure. • In addition to the camera's processing capabilities, the network consists of: sensors, network analysis and system for control room.

Das DFG-Forschungsprojekt untersucht den Bedeutungszuwachs demografischen Wissens in der bundesdeutschen Familien- und Migrationspolitik seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre. Ziel ist es, Reichweite, Elemente und Dynamik einer neuen Bevölkerungspolitik in ihrer wissenschaftlichen Begründung zu analysieren. Im Fokus stehen staatliche Ansätze zur Steuerung von Fertilität und Zuwanderung als diejenigen Elemente einer neuen Demografiepolitik, die auf eine aktive Gestaltung der Größe und Zusammensetzung der nationalen Bevölkerung abzielen. Indem das Projekt sowohl Migrations- als auch Familienpolitik umfasst, ermöglicht es zudem eine intersektionale Perspektive auf die aktuelle Biopolitik der Bevölkerung, berücksichtigt aber gleichzeitig, dass Demografiepolitik sich in beiden Politikfeldern unterschiedlich ausgestaltet. Das Projekt rekurriert auf das wissenssoziologische Konzept der Demografisierung, mit dem wissenschaftliche Problemformulierungen und strategische Lösungsansätze im Zusammenhang als politische Rationalität untersucht werden können, und kombiniert dafür methodologische Zugänge aus der interpretativen policy-Forschung mit einem hegemonietheoretischen Ansatz.Der Fortsetzungsantrag zielt darauf ab, entscheidende neue Dynamiken einer Demografisierung von Migrationspolitik seit dem „Sommer der Migration“ 2015 bis Mitte 2017 empirisch aufzuarbeiten und in die übergreifende intersektionale Analyse einer Demografisierung des Politischen einzubeziehen. Damit soll ermöglicht werden, die enorme Dynamik einer auf Zuwanderung orientierten Demografiedebatte zu erfassen, die seit Mitte 2015 bewirkt hat, dass sich Zuwanderung von einem eher marginalen zu einem zentralen Aspekt demografischer Politikberatung und Regierungsstrategien in Deutschland entwickelt hat. Für eine theoretische Analyse intersektionaler Staatlichkeit in Bezug auf Bevölkerungswissenschaft und -politik ist diese kontemporäre Phase der Demografiepolitik sehr aufschlussreich, da sich in dieser Phase Zuwanderung neben der Geburtenrate zu einem zunehmend gleichberechtigten „demografischen Faktor“ für Regierungsstrategien entwickelt hat. Wichtige Aspekte, die untersucht werden sollen, sind die sich seit 2015 in die Demografiedebatte stärker oder neu einmischenden arbeitsmarktorientierte AkteurInnen, die in 2015 im Zuge des „Sommmers der Migration“ aufkommende Debatte über die Unsicherheit von Bevölkerungsprojektionen, sowie die Einbeziehung der bereits angekommenen Flüchtlingsbevölkerung in die Demografiedebatte. Auch soll das Verhältnis von Demografisierung und Ökonomisierung von Migrationspolitik auf dieser Grundlage konzeptuell bearbeitet werden und ein stärkerer Rekurs auf europäische und transnationale Ansätze in der deutschen Demografiedebatte untersucht werden

This project aims to investigate the scale and nature of socio-cultural encounters and confrontations that emanated from foreign migration to Belgium between c. 1840 and 1890 by cross- and interdisciplinary analysis and valorization of a series of exceptionally rich but underexploited series of the federal historical heritage. Situated at the crossroads of migration history, maritime history and the history of science and technology and of social policy, this project employs these sources to map the characteristics of foreign migration streams to Belgium and to gain insight into their varied interactions with their host society. It focuses on an exceptional period in European and Belgian history, that was characterized by rising mobility and increasing economic integration, but also witnessed the emergence of the „modern‟ nation state, in which the distinction between „foreigner‟ and „national‟ became more important. The project aims (1) to map the scale, chronology and profiles of foreign migration to 19th-century Belgium, and (2) to investigate the political, economic, social and cultural dimensions of interactions of foreigners with different layers of Belgian society. Its underlying assumption is that increasing international mobility and circulation – rather than one-off migration – had a profound influence on the economic, political, cultural and social history of 19th-century Europe in general, and Belgium in particular. The research results from this project will therefore not only contribute to a better insight into the „national‟ history of Belgium, but will also provide major contributions to several international debates in migration history, including on the nature of a so-called „mobility transition‟ (Lucassen & Lucassen 2009), the interactions between state policies and migration patterns (Noiriel 1998; Rosental 2011), the role of migration „chains‟ and networks (Wegge 1998; Lesger et al. 2002), the international dimensions of the „knowledge economy‟ (Black 2013), and the long-term integration of international labour markets (Hatton & Williamson 2006).

"Die Integration von Migranten ist einer der großen arbeitsmarktpolitischen Herausforderungen in Deutschland. Während 72% der 25 bis 64 Jährigen ohne Migrationshintergrund erwerbstätig sind, sind in Deutschland lebende Ausländer nur zu 53% erwerbstätig. Bei den Personen mit Migrationshintergrund oder mit eigener Migrationserfahrung liegt der Anteil bei 59%. Auf der Grundlage der neuen IAB-SOEP Migrationsstichprobe soll die Arbeitsmarktentwicklung der Migranten anhand arbeitsmarktrelevanter Indikatoren wie Erwerbsstatus sowie Beschäftigungs- und Lohnentwicklung analysiert und die möglichen Determinanten hinsichtlich einer Angleichung bzw. einer Divergenz zu Personen ohne Migrationshintergrund untersucht werden. Eine erfolgreiche Integration von Migranten in den Arbeitsmarkt hängt von vielen Faktoren ab. Es ist bekannt, dass Faktoren wie das Bildungsniveau, die Sprachkenntnisse, oder die Anerkennung von Abschlüssen die Arbeitsmarkt- und Lohnentwicklung von Migranten positiv beeinflussen. Weniger bekannt sind hingegen die Determinanten, die wiederum diese Faktoren beeinflussen. Warum investieren beispielsweise bestimmte Migrantengruppen mehr in Bildung und Spracheals andere? Das Ziel des ersten Teilprojekts ""Lohnkonvergenz von Zuwanderern"" ist, die Auswirkung von sozialen Netzwerken und Risikopräferenzen auf die Humankapitalinvestition von Migranten zu untersuchen. Es gibt Hinweise, dass ein gutes soziales Umfeld, insbesondere das ethnische Netzwerk, eine positive Auswirkung auf die Investitionsentscheidung hinsichtlich Aus- und Weiterbildung und Sprache haben. Auf der anderen Seite können auch rationale nutzenmaximierende Konsumentscheidungen maßgeblich das Investitionsverhalten der Individuen beeinflussen. Für die empirische Analyse wird die neue IAB-SOEP Migrationsstichprobe zusammen mit administrativen Daten der Integrierten Erwerbsbiografien (IEB) herangezogen. Projektziel Wir untersuchen die Auswirkung von sozialen Netzwerken und Risikopräferenzen auf die Humankapitalinvestition und die Lohnentwicklung von Migranten."

The overall objective of the TEMPER project consists of providing a comprehensive assessment of the pros and cons of recent initiatives to promote circular migration as an alternative to more traditional forms of temporary and permanent migration, not only among prospective migrants but also among current residents in the EU. These initiatives usually rely on a poor understanding of the ultimate reasons why some migrants spontaneously return to their country of origin while others do not, and why some of them re-migrate after return. More importantly, it is far from being clear that circular migration actually responds to the needs and expectations of many (potential) migrants from third-countries, and entails for them and their families more benefits than alternative forms of mobility. To overcome this lack of understanding, the TEMPER project will pursue three main objectives: (1) to identify the main drivers of return and circulation decisions of migrants recently involved in temporary and permanent migration, (2) to measure and explain the role that different programs and immigration policies at large have played in shaping those individual decisions and, (3) to assess the impact that different types of temporary, permanent and circular mobility have for migrant and non-migrant workers, their families and their employers. Two implicit assumptions will be tested. First, that circularity is a realistic alternative to both strictly temporary labour and permanent settlement because there exists a large enough pool of prospective migrants and returnees interested in engaging in circular mobility. Secondly, that circularity benefits the involved parties, including migrants, their families and their areas of origin, more than traditional forms of migration.

The overall objective of the TEMPER project consists of providing a comprehensive assessment of the pros and cons of recent initiatives to promote circular migration as an alternative to more traditional forms of temporary and permanent migration, not only among prospective migrants but also among current residents in the EU. These initiatives usually rely on a poor understanding of the ultimate reasons why some migrants spontaneously return to their country of origin while others do not, and why some of them re-migrate after return. More importantly, it is far from being clear that circular migration actually responds to the needs and expectations of many (potential) migrants from third-countries, and entails for them and their families more benefits than alternative forms of mobility. To overcome this lack of understanding, the TEMPER project will pursue three main objectives: (1) to identify the main drivers of return and circulation decisions of migrants recently involved in temporary and permanent migration, (2) to measure and explain the role that different programs and immigration policies at large have played in shaping those individual decisions and, (3) to assess the impact that different types of temporary, permanent and circular mobility have for migrant and non-migrant workers, their families and their employers. Two implicit assumptions will be tested. First, that circularity is a realistic alternative to both strictly temporary labour and permanent settlement because there exists a large enough pool of prospective migrants and returnees interested in engaging in circular mobility. Secondly, that circularity benefits the involved parties, including migrants, their families and their areas of origin, more than traditional forms of migration.

Ireland and Italy saw significant proportions of their populations emigrate after 1945 before becoming host to substantial immigrant populations in more recent times. Despite the post-war exodus of millions of Irish and Italians, the literature has consistently failed to quantify the effect this had on Irish and Italian society and on the people who left. Not enough attention has been devoted to examining how Ireland and Italy have adapted to their transitions from near homogenous to heterogeneous societies in such a short period either. Immigrants today amount to over half a million in Ireland (12% of the Irish population) and 4.6 million in Italy (8% of the Italian population). These countries’ transitions from near monocultural to multicultural societies in such a short period demands scholarly attention. With the departure of young people from Ireland and Italy once again because of reduced opportunities at home, and with newcomers still arriving in search of a better life, this comparative project will provide a timely indicator of how emigration and immigration have shaped the two societies since 1945. The main objective of this project is to demonstrate how emigration and immigration have shaped Ireland and Italy since 1945. To fulfil this aim, the study will consider, in detail, (1) why so many people left Ireland and Italy after 1945. It will assess (2) the ramifications of the exodus of millions of Irish and Italians for the societies they left behind. It will explore (3) the effects that migration had on those departing their homes. In an attempt to fill a notable gap in the literature, this project will examine (4) how return migration and internal migration effected Irish and Italian society in the 1960s and 1970s. Relating to more contemporaneous developments, this study will endeavour to investigate (5) how Ireland and Italy have adapted to recently becoming hosts to sizeable numbers of immigrants.

"Im Kontext der zunehmenden Globalisierung und transnationaler Migrationsprozesse ist die internationale Mobilität der Bevölkerung in Deutschland seit Ende der 1990er Jahre verstärkt in das Blickfeld von Öffentlichkeit, Politik und Wissenschaft geraten. Im Gegensatz zur Untersuchung der Zuwanderung existieren bislang nur wenige Studien, die sich mit gegenwärtigen Aus- und Rückwanderungsprozessen, insbesondere von Deutschen, beschäftigen. Angesichts des demografischen Wandels und des zu erwartenden Fachkräfterückgangs ist nicht nur die Wissenschaft, sondern auch die Politik an verlässlichen und im Zeitverlauf vergleichbaren Informationen über das Ausmaß, die Ursachen und die Folgen von Aus- und Rückwanderung verstärkt interessiert. Ziel der Studie ist es, besser zu verstehen, warum auf der einen Seite Menschen ins Ausland abwandern und warum auf der anderen Seite Menschen, die ins Ausland abgewandert sind, wieder nach Deutschland zurückkehren. Dabei sind die verschiedenen Wanderungsmotive von besonderem Interesse. Aber auch der Einfluss ökonomischer und politischer Rahmenbedingungen im Herkunfts- sowie im Zielland auf individuelle Wanderungsentscheidungen soll untersucht werden. Darüber hinaus zielt das Projekt darauf ab, die Machbarkeit der Ziehung einer repräsentativen Stichprobe unter der international mobilen Bevölkerung in Deutschland zu untersuchen."

Als ein Teil des Projekts Einwanderung und Transformation der chinesischen Gesellschaft werden hier die sozialen Dynamiken und die Umsetzung des neuen chinesischen Ausländergesetzes von 2012 aus der Perspektive staatlicher und nicht-staatlicher Akteure untersucht. Dabei stehen die folgenden Fragen im Mittelpunkt: Wie positionieren sich bestimmte nationale Ministerien oder die Regierungen von Megastädten wie Guangzhou zur Zuwanderung und zur Ausländerintegration in China? Wie bilden sich demografische Herausforderungen, Wirtschaftsentwicklung und Sicherheitsbedenken in öffentlichen und fachlichen Diskursen über Rechtsreformen und die Umsetzung des neuen Ausländerrechts ab? Wie verhält sich der formale Vollzug des Ausländerrechts gegenüber informalen Praktiken, etwa informalen Arrangements und Aushandlungsprozessen zwischen Einwanderern und Verwaltungsbeamten? Das Projekt wird in Peking, dem Sitz des nationalen Gesetzgebers durchgeführt sowie in Guangzhou, einem Zentrum ausländischer Zuwanderung. Um die Perspektiven des Gesetzgebers, der Verwaltung und der Einwanderer zu integrieren, verwendet dieses Projekt einen interdisziplinären Ansatz, der sich Methoden aus der Rechtswissenschaft, der Enthnologie und der Geografie bedient. Die im nationalen Gesetzgebungsverfahren involvierten Interessen werden mittels der Analyse von Texten und Experteninterviews in Ministerien, Parteiorganen, Universitäten und Thinktanks erforscht. Die Untersuchung des Vollzugs des Ausländerrechts in Guangzhou beinhaltet eine Aktualisierung bereits vorhandener qualitativer und quantitativer Daten sowie Interviews mit örtlichen Behörden, Konsulaten und Ausländerorganisationen. Die Perspektive der Einwanderer wird mittels Methoden der ethnografischen Forschung untersucht, wobei insbesondere Einwanderergruppen aus Westafrika und aus Europa betrachtet werden.

The overall objective of the TEMPER project consists of providing a comprehensive assessment of the pros and cons of recent initiatives to promote circular migration as an alternative to more traditional forms of temporary and permanent migration, not only among prospective migrants but also among current residents in the EU. These initiatives usually rely on a poor understanding of the ultimate reasons why some migrants spontaneously return to their country of origin while others do not, and why some of them re-migrate after return. More importantly, it is far from being clear that circular migration actually responds to the needs and expectations of many (potential) migrants from third-countries, and entails for them and their families more benefits than alternative forms of mobility. To overcome this lack of understanding, the TEMPER project will pursue three main objectives: (1) to identify the main drivers of return and circulation decisions of migrants recently involved in temporary and permanent migration, (2) to measure and explain the role that different programs and immigration policies at large have played in shaping those individual decisions and, (3) to assess the impact that different types of temporary, permanent and circular mobility have for migrant and non-migrant workers, their families and their employers. Two implicit assumptions will be tested. First, that circularity is a realistic alternative to both strictly temporary labour and permanent settlement because there exists a large enough pool of prospective migrants and returnees interested in engaging in circular mobility. Secondly, that circularity benefits the involved parties, including migrants, their families and their areas of origin, more than traditional forms of migration.

Migration of the population is the most pressing issue in Armenia. It is a widely discussed, and it is an extremely sensitive topic for the Armenian society. Migration and especially emigration-related issues are always in the focus of Armenian mass media. On average, dozens of articles on migration issues are published each month, some of them are solely informative, others are both informative and analytical. This paper reviews the publications on migration issues that have appeared in electronic media during July 2011- May 2013. This period is distinguished by two most important political processes in Armenia: elections to the RA National Assembly in May 2012, and presidential elections in February 2013. Below is the analysis of both pro-governmental and opposition media1 The purpose of the study was to analyze the most important migration themes covered by the media during the period mentioned. The information obtaining methodology included the review of the publications dealing with emigration, repatriation and other migration issues. The underlying methodology for publications review was the analysis of headlines and contents, as well as the visual design of the publications, etc.Migration of the population is the most pressing issue in Armenia. It is a widely discussed, and it is an extremely sensitive topic for the Armenian society. Migration and especially emigration-related issues are always in the focus of Armenian mass media. On average, dozens of articles on migration issues are published each month, some of them are solely informative, others are both informative and analytical. This paper reviews the publications on migration issues that have appeared in electronic media during July 2011- May 2013. This period is distinguished by two most important political processes in Armenia: elections to the RA National Assembly in May 2012, and presidential elections in February 2013. Below is the analysis of both pro-governmental and opposition media1 The purpose of the study was to analyze the most important migration themes covered by the media during the period mentioned. The information obtaining methodology included the review of the publications dealing with emigration, repatriation and other migration issues. The underlying methodology for publications review was the analysis of headlines and contents, as well as the visual design of the publications, etc.Migration of the population is the most pressing issue in Armenia. It is a widely discussed, and it is an extremely sensitive topic for the Armenian society. Migration and especially emigration-related issues are always in the focus of Armenian mass media. On average, dozens of articles on migration issues are published each month, some of them are solely informative, others are both informative and analytical. This paper reviews the publications on migration issues that have appeared in electronic media during July 2011- May 2013. This period is distinguished by two most important political processes in Armenia: elections to the RA National Assembly in May 2012, and presidential elections in February 2013. Below is the analysis of both pro-governmental and opposition media1 The purpose of the study was to analyze the most important migration themes covered by the media during the period mentioned. The information obtaining methodology included the review of the publications dealing with emigration, repatriation and other migration issues. The underlying methodology for publications review was the analysis of headlines and contents, as well as the visual design of the publications, etc.Migration of the population is the most pressing issue in Armenia. It is a widely discussed, and it is an extremely sensitive topic for the Armenian society.

Azerbaijani migrants’ return and their subsequent reintegration into society is one of the most painful and acute issues facing Azerbaijan today. The scale of the problem is sufficiently large for a country like this. It is enough to cite the following data: from 1991 to 2006 over 44,000 citizens of Azerbaijan, having left the republic, officially applied for refugee status or attempted to become political emigrants in EU member states and the United States. Of course, the number of migrants who departed for the EU, US and other countries was, in fact, much larger, as by no means all applied for this kind of status. Many preferred to find a job and some lived illegally in their new homes.

What has changed in the post-Soviet period in the field of educational migration from Azerbaijan? The socio-political and cultural contexts are certainly quite different from those that existed, for example, during the Soviet years. In the meanwhile, the current situation is a direct continuation of the tradition of sending students abroad for "modern" knowledge. As in the previous years, a significant (if not the largest) share of intellectuals who were educated in the "West" prefer to emigrate rather than to return to the country of origin. In this regard, any hopes for a successful transfer of democratic values into Azerbaijan seem difficult to implement. The most obvious innovation of the post-Soviet period is the active involvement of young people receiving their education/educated abroad, into the policy of Diaspora-building. The latter is part and parcel of the policy of the Azeri political regime to lobby its interests in the EU, the U.S. and the countries of the former Soviet Union.

As of December 2012, 68 percent of residents in Kuwait were expatriates. Most come from Asia and especially from India (30 percent of all foreign residents). Three-quarters of expatriates are active. They account for 83 percent of the total active population and 93 percent of the private sector's workforce. Asians are mainly involved in the services and craft sectors, while Arabs more often fill managerial posts. Recent flows suggest a shift in recruitment policies towards upgrading the workforce's level of qualifications and occupations. Data also show the extent of forced migration from Kuwait: 400,000 Arabs, most of them of Palestinian origin, were forced to flee the country after the First Gulf War. Also, Kuwait's stateless residents (the Bidun) have been compelled to emigrate since 1985, while those still in the country are considered illegal residents.

The report is organized in the following way. Section 2 looks at the recent Chinese migration to Poland but it presents it in a broader context – of both Chinese migration worldwide and flows / stocks of immigrants in Poland. Section 3 provides an analysis of Foreign Direct Investment in Poland, with particular emphasis on Chinese capital. Next section is based on available quantitative and qualitative data and assesses links between Chinese FDI in Poland and migration flows. In this section we refer to three potential explanatory avenues as suggested above. Finally, section 5 concludes.

The literature on the economics of migration has ignored the role of sending governments in the assimilation of immigrants in host country labor markets. Recent studies show that immigrants do not cut their ties with the homeland. Various actors linked to homelands are involved in this process. In this paper, we present a different perspective, which identifies the possible actions of those actors, and in particular of government institutions, and their impact on the assimilation process. We hypothesize that these actors may influence the assimilation trajectory of their expatriates. The incorporation of these actors into the existing economics literature is discussed in relation to several categories of actions, such as pre-departure training, post-arrival training and naturalization.

In the first chapter of this report we outline the main changes in the Chinese migration order since roughly 1980. In the second chapter we turn to a discussion of Chinese emigration and settlement in Europe (by which we mainly refer to the EU countries) and Africa (mainly sub-Saharan Africa), whose similarities and contrasts help us highlight the range of permutations in recent emigration from China. The third chapter turns to China’s administration, management and institutional and legal framework for dealing with the many different Chinese migratory flows and their ramifications for China, both domestically and for its rising global presence. Chapter 4 is a brief conclusion including some reflections on future trends.

It is well documented that in most European countries migrants have lower educational attainment levels than natives. Access to education for migrant children is almost universally guaranteed in the EU, but this does not automatically equate to access to adapted education, taking into account specific needs linked to socio-economic disadvantages and linguistic challenges. Furthermore, social and ethnic school segregation constitutes a serious barrier towards access to good education for migrant children. Sending society actors seem to have only a limited impact on the educational integration of migrant children in destination countries, but initiatives like diaspora schools constitute one strategy to try and improve the educational outcomes of migrant children. The scientific literature has only given limited space to the potential role played by sending society actors for access to good education for migrant children. The Interact-project should aim to cover this field and assess whether the role played by sending society actors has not unjustly been overlooked.

This chapter studies the key feature and trends of China’s international immigration and analyses its impact on the trade and FDI flows between China and its major partner countries. The main focus is to exam possible interaction between trade, FDI and migration flows and to assess the role of Chinese ethnic communities and migration in facilitating these economic exchanges. The impact of Chinese migration/ethnic communities on host economies, especially with regard to the labour market will also be briefly examined. This study consists of four sections. After this introduction, the second section provides a literature review on the interaction between migration, trade and FDI on the one hand and the impact of migrants or international entrepreneurs on the economic development of the host country on the other hand. The third section provides empirical evidence about the economic relations between China and its main partner regions, such as Europe and Africa. The migration from China to these regions will be studied, especially with regard to its changing characteristics during last decades. The interaction between Chinese migration and trade and FDI flows in these regions and their evolving features will be analysed at regional/key country level. The concluding section will iscuss about the main findings and their policy implication for host countries.

This report provides an overview of Syrian migration to Turkey since the start of the revolt in Syria in March 2011. The number of displaced Syrians crossing the border into Turkey has dramatically risen with the escalating use of violence employed by the Syrian regime ito suppress the revolt. According to the United Nations Refugee Agency, 182,621 Syrian refugees were living in Turkey mid-February 2013 (http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/regional.php). With the influx of huge numbers of Syrians into Turkey, anti-immigrant, anti-Arab discourses have surfaced among the Turkish public. Furthermore, due to the Turkish governments’ openly hostile position to the Syrian regime, Syrian migration became closely linked with Turkish domestic politics and foreign policy. Those individuals and political bodies critical of the Turkish government assumed an anti-immigrant position accusing displaced Syrians of being armed, sectarian rebels. Therefore, analyzing the Syrian migrant community in Turkey means contextualizing it within the political framework of the host-society.